Uganda lost more than Shs 10 billion in royalties from undeclared gold trade last year.

According to the auditor general's report for 2016 – 2017 financial year, only 16kgs in gold exports wereauthorised while Uganda Revenue Authority records showed that more than 8,000kgs were actually exported.

Miningregulations require that minerals obtained under a mineral right or under a mineral dealer’s license may only be exported under an export permit granted by the Commissioner at the Directorate of Geological Surveys and Mines (DGSM) in the Ministry of Energy and Mineral development. However, according to the auditor general's report, figures obtained from URA revealed a number of anomalies.

 

“The DGSM issued Gold export permits for only 16.281 kilograms compared to records from URA, which indicated that 8,691 kilograms of gold valued at USD 339.09 million were exported from Uganda in the financial year 2016/17,” the report says.

The country, the report concludes, lost revenue of between USD 3.39m to USD 16.95m (Shs 12 billion to Shs 60 billion) in royalties from the undeclared gold imports and exports, depending on the rates applicable:1 percent for imported and 5 percent for locally mined gold.

Another anomaly noted was that the gold exports of an unidentified exporter were supported by export permits from the Ministry of Tourism, Trade and Industry instead of DGSM, which was contrary to the Mining Act, 2003. Moreover, there was no evidence of payment of royalties on the exported gold.

Although, according to the report, DGSM admitted that that the exporter did not make declaration of gold exports to them, claiming that it had a tax waiver from the Ministry of Finance, there was no evidence of such a tax waiver.

The report notes that not only the government but also landowners are missing out on mining royalties. Land owners were not paid the prescribed 3% of the royalties, amounting to more than Shs 300 million last year.

“The practice denies the landowners the revenues arising from use of their land, which potentially can affect the relationship between mineral rights holders and landowners,” the report concludes.

The auditor general advised relevant authorities to investigate the discrepancies in order to recover the lost royalties.

namuloki16@gmail.com

 

Tell this great national loss to the fraternity of Mengo who are embroided from time to time in land disputes with their partner the African Central government of Uganda.

Parliament's Legal Affairs committee has started drafting a report on the Constitutional (Amendment) (No.2) Bill, 2017 after meeting President Yoweri Museveni.
 
The Bill tabled by Igara West MP Raphael Magyezi seeks to among others repeal Article 102(b) which restricts the presidential age to between 35 and 75 years. According to those opposed to the amendment, the move would eliminate the last legal hurdle for President Yoweri Museveni to seek reelection when his term of office ends in 2021 when he will be above 75 years.
 
Now after their meeting with President Museveni on Tuesday night at State House Entebbe, the committee chaired by West Budama South MP Jacob Oboth-Oboth retreated to a hotel to start drafting the report that will inform debate on the floor of the House.

The MPs are currently locked up at Lake Victoria Serena Golf Resort- Kigo in Wakiso district to draft the report on the now controversial Bill. At least Shs 83 million had been budgeted to cover the cost of the retreat by the committee.
 
Out of the 29 MPs that constitute the committee, about 13 attended the Entebbe meeting. Seven members are out of the country, three openly boycotted the meeting while six were designated to the committee less than a fortnight ago.
 
The committee's decision to immediately embark on drafting the report came after plans to hold countrywide consultations on the proposal hit a snag.

This was after the Clerk to Parliament Jane Kibirige told the committee that the Parliamentary Commission did not have money to facilitate travel, accommodation and related arrangements by the committee during the planned consultative meetings.
 
"We said instead of us losing out on that, lets now do what is practical. And what is practical is to write a report and this will also be part of the report that we didn't have money to go for consultative meetings," Oboth-Oboth told URN.
 
'Rushed drafting'

Two opposition legislators on Tuesday disagreed with the move to write a report without consulting Ugandans.
 
Busiro East MP Medard Lubega Sseggona and his Masaka municipality counterpart Mathias Mpuuga insisted that they needed to first consult the people before writing the report.

They noted that without consulting the people, they are to come up with an alternative report on the Bill.

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One understands in Africa that Resistance Movement means the  fight for electoral justice, so that incumbents do not bribe their way into lengthy or life presidencies.

Enjawukana wakati wa Besigye ne Muntu zongedde okweyoleka

By Ahmed Mukiibi

Added 6th October 2016

 

Besigye ne Muntu

1. Besigye olukomyewo mu ggwanga, entalo z’omu FDC ne zittuka buto!.

Oluwonko wakati wa Besigye ne Pulezidenti wa FDC, Maj. Gen Mugisha lweyolekeddewo, Muntu n’abakungu ab’oku ntikko mu FDC n’ababaka ba Palamenti bangi bwe bataalinnye kigere ku kisaawe e Ntebe okumwaniriza n’e Kasangati.

Besigye yabadde yeenyoola ne Poliisi ku kisaawe e Ntebe, nga Gen. Muntu ali mu maka ge e Kololo, ebintu abigoberera ku ssimu ne ttivvi.

Abakungu ba FDC abalala baabadde ku mirimu gyabwe Ennyonyi eyaleese Besigye yatonnye e Ntebe ku ssaawa 2:15 ez’oku makya ku Mmande okumukomyawo okuva ku lugendo lw’abaddeko mu Amerika, ne Bungereza gy’amaze ebbanga erisukka mu mwezi mulamba okuva August 25, 2016 lwe yava mu Uganda.

Aba FDC baafulumizza Pulogulaamu y’okudda kwa Besigye nga balaga nti bagenda kumwaniriza mu kitiibwa n’ebbugumu okuva e Ntebe bayise ebivvulu okutuuka ku kitebe kya FDC e Najjanankambi.

We wandisuubidde Maj. Gen Muntu n’abakungu ba FDC, waabaddewo bannakibiina kya DP abaakuliddwa Loodi Meeya wa Kampala Erias Lukwago, ababaka ba Palamenti; Allan Sewannyana, Moses Kasibante ne Betty Nambooze.

Ku babaka 36 bonna FDC b’erina mu Palamenti, ababaka bataano bokka be baabadde e Kasangati, okwabadde, Mubarak Munyagwa (Kawempe South), Ibrahim Semujju (Kira Munisupaali), Apollo Kantinti (Kyaddondo East), Roland Mugume (Rukungiri Munisupaali) ne Francis Mwijukye (Buhweju) .

Ababaka nga Nabillah Sempala eyali tava Kasangati mu biseera by’akalulu ng’abeera ku lusegere lwa Besigye yeesindika ne Shifrah Lukwago, teyalabiseeko, gattako n’ababaka ba FDC nga Ibrahim Kasozi (Makindye), n’abalala.

Ku bakulembeze ba FDC abasoba mu 30 abali ku kakiiko akafuzi, bataano bokka be baabadde e Kasangati; Ssentebe Wasswa Biriggwa, omumyuka we Joyce Nabbosa Ssebuggwawo, Wafula Oguttu, Ingrid Turinawe ne Semujju Nganda.

Ensonda mu FDC zaategeezezza nti embiranye wakati wa Besigye ne Muntu ezzeemu okweyoleka ng’entabwe eva ku b’enkambi ya Muntu kye bayita, “Besigye okubuutikira munne (Muntu) so ng’ekiseera kya Besigye kyaggwaako dda.”

Ab’enkambi ya Muntu bagamba nti Besigye agaanidde mu ddiiro so ng’amazina ge gaggwaako dda n’abalabi be ne bagenda kyokka agaanyi okuwa Muntu omukisa okutwala FDC ku mutendera oguddako.

Muntu obuteenyigira ku byakwaniriza Besigye, ensonda zaategeezezza nti ke kabonero ak’enkukunala, ke yalaze Besigye nti by’akola bibye, bo nga FDC entongole bali ku birala.

Ssemujju atangaazizza Omwogezi wa FDC, Ssemujju Nganda yategeezezza nti Maj. Gen Muntu y’alina okweyogerera ku ky’obuteetaba mu by’okwaniriza Besigye wabula yagambye nti tewali njawukana.

Bombi Besigye ne Muntu bakolera wamu mu nteekateeka ez’okununula eggwanga.

Wabula yagambye nti ababaka ba Palamenti abamu tebaasobodde kugenda Ntebe n’e Kasangati olw’emirimu gya Palamenti wabula baatuuzizza olukuhhaana lwa bannamawulire ne bavumirira engeri Besigye gye yayisiddwaamu ng’adda mu ggwanga.

Ensonda zaategeezezza nti n’enkuhhaana Besigye z’ategese ku Lwokukutaano e Bweyogere, ku Lwomukaaga e Kawempe ne ku Ssande e Katwe, Muntu n’abenkambi ye si baakuzeetabamu.

Gye buvuddeko, Muntu yategeeza bannamawulire nti ekiseera kituuse FDC okukkiriza nti Pulezidenti Museveni y’ali mu buyinza okutuuka 2021, n’olwekyo FDC erina okwetereeza okwetegekera 2021 mu kifo ky’okudda mu kampeyini ya ‘Defiance’.

 

Nb

 

Enjawukana wakati wa Besigye ne Muntu zongedde okweyoleka

By Ahmed Mukiibi

Added 6th October 2016

 

Oluwonko wakati wa Besigye ne Pulezidenti wa FDC, Maj. Gen Mugisha lweyolekeddewo, Muntu n’abakungu ab’oku ntikko mu FDC n’ababaka ba Palamenti bangi bwe bataalinnye kigere ku kisaawe e Ntebe okumwaniriza n’e Kasangati.

Besigye yabadde yeenyoola ne Poliisi ku kisaawe e Ntebe, nga Gen. Muntu ali mu maka ge e Kololo, ebintu abigoberera ku ssimu ne ttivvi.

Abakungu ba FDC abalala baabadde ku mirimu gyabwe Ennyonyi eyaleese Besigye yatonnye e Ntebe ku ssaawa 2:15 ez’oku makya ku Mmande okumukomyawo okuva ku lugendo lw’abaddeko mu Amerika, ne Bungereza gy’amaze ebbanga erisukka mu mwezi mulamba okuva August 25, 2016 lwe yava mu Uganda.

Aba FDC baafulumizza Pulogulaamu y’okudda kwa Besigye nga balaga nti bagenda kumwaniriza mu kitiibwa n’ebbugumu okuva e Ntebe bayise ebivvulu okutuuka ku kitebe kya FDC e Najjanankambi.

We wandisuubidde Maj. Gen Muntu n’abakungu ba FDC, waabaddewo bannakibiina kya DP abaakuliddwa Loodi Meeya wa Kampala Erias Lukwago, ababaka ba Palamenti; Allan Sewannyana, Moses Kasibante ne Betty Nambooze.

Ku babaka 36 bonna FDC b’erina mu Palamenti, ababaka bataano bokka be baabadde e Kasangati, okwabadde, Mubarak Munyagwa (Kawempe South), Ibrahim Semujju (Kira Munisupaali), Apollo Kantinti (Kyaddondo East), Roland Mugume (Rukungiri Munisupaali) ne Francis Mwijukye (Buhweju) .

Ababaka nga Nabillah Sempala eyali tava Kasangati mu biseera by’akalulu ng’abeera ku lusegere lwa Besigye yeesindika ne Shifrah Lukwago, teyalabiseeko, gattako n’ababaka ba FDC nga Ibrahim Kasozi (Makindye), n’abalala.

Ku bakulembeze ba FDC abasoba mu 30 abali ku kakiiko akafuzi, bataano bokka be baabadde e Kasangati; Ssentebe Wasswa Biriggwa, omumyuka we Joyce Nabbosa Ssebuggwawo, Wafula Oguttu, Ingrid Turinawe ne Semujju Nganda.

Ensonda mu FDC zaategeezezza nti embiranye wakati wa Besigye ne Muntu ezzeemu okweyoleka ng’entabwe eva ku b’enkambi ya Muntu kye bayita, “Besigye okubuutikira munne (Muntu) so ng’ekiseera kya Besigye kyaggwaako dda.”

Ab’enkambi ya Muntu bagamba nti Besigye agaanidde mu ddiiro so ng’amazina ge gaggwaako dda n’abalabi be ne bagenda kyokka agaanyi okuwa Muntu omukisa okutwala FDC ku mutendera oguddako.

Muntu obuteenyigira ku byakwaniriza Besigye, ensonda zaategeezezza nti ke kabonero ak’enkukunala, ke yalaze Besigye nti by’akola bibye, bo nga FDC entongole bali ku birala.

Ssemujju atangaazizza Omwogezi wa FDC, Ssemujju Nganda yategeezezza nti Maj. Gen Muntu y’alina okweyogerera ku ky’obuteetaba mu by’okwaniriza Besigye wabula yagambye nti tewali njawukana.

Bombi Besigye ne Muntu bakolera wamu mu nteekateeka ez’okununula eggwanga.

Wabula yagambye nti ababaka ba Palamenti abamu tebaasobodde kugenda Ntebe n’e Kasangati olw’emirimu gya Palamenti wabula baatuuzizza olukuhhaana lwa bannamawulire ne bavumirira engeri Besigye gye yayisiddwaamu ng’adda mu ggwanga.

Ensonda zaategeezezza nti n’enkuhhaana Besigye z’ategese ku Lwokukutaano e Bweyogere, ku Lwomukaaga e Kawempe ne ku Ssande e Katwe, Muntu n’abenkambi ye si baakuzeetabamu.

Gye buvuddeko, Muntu yategeeza bannamawulire nti ekiseera kituuse FDC okukkiriza nti Pulezidenti Museveni y’ali mu buyinza okutuuka 2021, n’olwekyo FDC erina okwetereeza okwetegekera 2021 mu kifo ky’okudda mu kampeyini ya ‘Defiance’.

 

 

 

 In Uganda, the formation of a cabinet for another 6th term of Office for the NRM political party, is becoming a legal problem.

Written by Sadab Kitatta Kaaya

 

Created: 01 June 2016

 

The controversy over President Museveni’s failure to name a new cabinet escalated yesterday, after parliament politely but firmly told the head of state he was out of order.

Tradition has been that Museveni names a new cabinet before opening the new parliament. But it recently emerged that Museveni chose to expansively interpret the Constitution and refused to be rushed into replacing anyone. This led to debate as to whether the president was in order or not. During last evening’s state-of-the-nation address, parliament did not reserve the front seats for ministers as the tradition has been.

The exceptions were people like vice-president Edward Ssekandi, foreign minister Sam Kutesa and minister without portfolio Abraham Byandala, who managed to grab front seats. Deputy attorney general Mwesigwa Rukutana sat near the journalists, while prime minister Ruhakana Rugunda sat behind a table occupied by opposition MPs.

However, he got an elevated seat on the table with deputy chief justice Steven Kavuma and visiting speakers from neighbouring countries. Other ministers who are MPs mingled amongst their fellow legislators while the non-MPs sat among other invited guests at the back.

In her communication, the speaker, Rebecca Kadaga, noted that the delay by Museveni to name a new cabinet meant that government is not fully-constituted and, therefore, delaying the establishment of the structures for effective management of business in Parliament. In response, Museveni said those not satisfied with the current position of his cabinet can petition the courts.

“According to the constitution, ministers are ministers until the president appoints new ones. If you are not satisfied, you can go to court; the chief justice will tell you,” Museveni said.

LEGAL GAMES

Faced with pointed questions about the legitimacy of outgoing ministers holding onto their old jobs, the government had cited a May 16 legal opinion from Attorney General Freddie Ruhindi.

Ruhindi said the old ministers’ tenure would expire when the appointing authority revokes the appointments. He was guided by articles 108 (5), 108A (5) and 116 of the constitution, which spell out how a minister loses his or her job.

Thereunder, one ceases to be a minister in addition to the president revoking his/her appointment if one resigns, dies or is disqualified to be a member of Parliament.

President Museveni’s old term expired on May 12 when he was inaugurated for a new five-year term. For his state-of-the-nation address yesterday, which marked the official opening of the 10th Parliament, some ex-officio ministers (non-elected) showed up and were treated like ordinary guests. The outgoing shadow minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs Medard Lubega Sseggona disagreed with Ruhindi.

“Even if the president didn’t retire them, this is a new government where we don’t have a cabinet because the appointment of cabinet is complete with the approval of Parliament,” Sseggona told The Observer in a Tuesday interview.

MPs Florence Namayanja (Bukoto East) and Muhammad Nsereko (Kampala Central) accused the president of abusing the law.

“It is wrong to abuse the law and I think the president is not properly advised on what to do,” said Namayanja, formerly a member of the Legal and Parliamentary Affairs committee in the ninth Parliament.

Nsereko advised the president to sign a new instrument of appointment for his old cabinet.

“It is definitely wrong; they are here illegally,” Nsereko said.

Under Parliament’s rules of procedure, without taking the oath of a member of Parliament, one is considered a stranger in parliament with the exception of the president and the vice president.

This means that such a person cannot access the Parliamentary chamber when the House is in session. Chris Obore, the director of Communications and Public Affairs at Parliament told The Observer yesterday that the strangers were treated as guests.

“Those who were re-elected will be allowed in the House and those who lost [the elections] will sit in the designated place for guests,” Obore said.
Museveni’s old cabinet has about 18 ministers who lost the last parliamentary election.

CALL OF COURAGE

Meanwhile, in a speech at the thanksgiving prayer breakfast for the 10th parliament, speaker of parliament Rebecca Kadaga urged MPs to have the courage to keep the executive in check.

“When the president was sworn in, he took two oaths, the one of allegiance and that of guaranteeing the welfare of Ugandans...the instrument of the welfare of Ugandans is this parliament because we pass the budgets, policies and laws,” Kadaga said. 

“You need to have courage because we are going to be taking some decisions. You need courage in taking some decisions and rejecting others.”

She said that much as some decisions may bring Parliament into conflict with the executive, the MPs need to pray to remain focused and to also have wisdom to promote the welfare of Ugandans.

sadabkk@observer.ug

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Interesting that the dodgy Movement system of governance is germinating again. The political parties are at it again demanding a multiparty system of governance but M7 is the judge, jury and prosecutor in all this African  legal quagmire.

 

"In Uganda, the NRM Cadre judges are biased during court proceedings", Justice Tsekooko has emphasised:

                   Justice Wilson Tsekooko, a senior legal consultant.

 

Photo by Michael Kakumirizi

By IVAN OKUDA

Posted  Saturday, April 30  2016 

 

BUGANDA STATE, Kampala. A retired Justice of the Supreme Court has pointed out that the number of cadre judges making it to the bench is rising, which is undermining the integrity and independence of Uganda’s judiciary.
The phrase “cadre judges” is a reference to judges whose case judgments suggest are determined more by their allegiance to the government than on the evidence produced before court during the trial.

In an interview with Saturday Monitor at his home in Naguru suburb on Thursday, Justice Wilson Tsekooko, a senior legal consultant with a Kampala law firm Waluku and Mooli Advocates, asserted that some of the judgments coming from the courts today leave a lot to be desired and cast doubt on the independence of the judges.
“Yes, that thing [cadre judges] is there. It seems to be increasing because occasionally you get some of the judgments and you can’t understand they are from judges who are supposed to be independent. There are rumours some judges consult some politicians when they have cases with political implications to get a shape of the ruling. This is terrible! It is not proper,” Justice Tsekooko said.
He said this situation is undermining the integrity of Uganda’s judiciary, once acclaimed as one of the most independent in Commonwealth Africa.

However, the judiciary’s Senior communications officer, Mr Solomon Muyita, denied the claims of cadre judges.
“Justice Tsekooko left the judiciary last year and during his tenure he didn’t go on the record in regard to cadre or non-cadre judges. Indeed we are not aware of cadre judges in the system because the JSC rigorously vets, recommends to the president who appoints and parliament approves the competent ones. We cannot have cadre judges in such a rigorous system of checks and balances,” he said.
In the last round of promotions to the Supreme Court, a member of the Judicial Service Commission told this reporter that Court of Appeal Justices Remmy Kasule and Egonda Ntende, who had passed interviews and are considered some of the best judges given their past record, were deleted from the list after the Commission had recommended them to the President for appointment.

This claim could not be independently verified.
Justice Egonda once served as Chief Justice of Seychelles on contract.
There are concerns about inexperienced judges being parachuted to the last appellate court in the land riding on their political loyalty to the ruling party of the National Resistance Movement system of African Governance.
Four-time presidential candidate Dr Kizza Besigye has vowed not to return to the Supreme Court to challenge a presidential election citing cadre judgeship.

The Besigye petition
In 2001 and 2006, Justice Tsekooko was among the minority judges that allowed Besigye’s petition (annulled Museveni’s victory) and called for fresh elections.
Interestingly though, the retired judge who joined the bench in 1990 said he was pleasantly surprised by President Museveni’s appointment despite an incident in 1980 when he, as a lawyer, represented former president Milton Obote in a defamation case then candidate Museveni had filed against Obote.

At the peak of the election campaign in 1980, Obote had allegedly made remarks that suggested Museveni was not a Ugandan to qualify for election. Museveni sued Obote for defamation and counsel Tsekooko had been instructed to defend Obote against the case. The case never took off as Obote was elected president and Museveni went to the bush to wage a guerrilla war. Tsekooko was Obote’s lawyer and a strong Uganda Peoples Congress cadre who was elected MP in 1980.

“Then after that you can see in 1990, Museveni appointed me a judge after that experience. Other people wouldn’t have appointed me even though I didn’t apply for judgeship. Definitely most people wouldn’t. Then in 1994, there was a vacancy at the Supreme Court, the Judicial Service Commission recommended me and he appointed me, so it shows he has good qualities as well,” Justice Tsekooko said of Museveni.
Commenting on the just concluded presidential election petition, he disagreed with former Supreme Court justice Prof George Kanyeihamba who castigated the court for failing to inquire into the election. He said the court can only restrict itself to the evidence presented before it.

Advice to judges
In deciding presidential election petitions, Justice Tsekooko observed that the judges should invest thought by “tossing a mental coin” in their assessment of the evidence presented before them in order to establish the effect of the irregularities on the final election outcome rather than sticking to the strict legal meaning of the words in the law which require that to annul the poll, the errors complained thereof must have “affected the election outcome in a substantial manner.”
The retired judge also shared his sympathy for Dr Besigye’s on his house arrest by police and restriction of his movements and Mr Mbabazi’s petition, which he said theft of his affidavits of evidence and intimidation of witnesses affected his case fatally.

editorial@ug.nationmedia.com

 

One of the Presidential candidates, Mr Besigye is indicating out again that the 18th February 2016 General Election in Uganda is not free and fair.

Dr Besigye (L) argues with police

officers at a secluded home in Naguru.

Photo by Abubaker Lubowa

Posted by  ERIASA MUKIIBI SSERUNJOGI

On  Thursday, February 18   2016

Forum for Democratic Change presidential candidate Dr Kizza Besigye this evening stormed a house in Naguru which he and his party officials say “have reason to believe is used by the Uganda Police and the military for pre-ticking ballots, manipulating election results, and committing many other electoral offences.”

The Opposition leader drove straight to the party’s Najjanankumbi offices from his country home in Rukungiri where he had voted from, to attend an urgent meeting that resulted in the storming of the facility. At the facility, Dr Besigye knocked on the gate but he was not let in. A number of police officers, many of whom seemed to be of high ranks due to the pips on their collars, could be seen through the opening at the gate, but they all hastily disappeared into the house without making any attempt to inquire about what Dr Besigye wanted to do at the facility.

In a short while Mr Michael Kasigire, the Kira Road Police station commander, arrived at the scene with a pick up full of policemen. Mr Andrew Karamagi, a lawyer and an activist who is sympathetic towards Dr Besigye, told Mr Kasigire that they suspect the house was being used to rig the election and requested him to ask the occupants to open up so that they would “satisfy our curiosity”.

Mr Kasigire did not respond to Mr Karamagi’s request, but he instead withdrew and made a phone call asking for reinforcements. Two more police patrol pick-ups soon arrived, with one commandeered by Mr Aaron Baguma, the commander of the Kampala Central Police Station.

A standoff then ensued until the police decided to force Dr Besigye into one of their patrol vehicles and drove him to his Kasangati home.

emukiibi@ug.nationmedia.com

The Election Commissioner in Uganda has stopped Presidential Candidates from visiting churches and hospitals. These visits seem to bring out what the National Media Houses in Uganda have always feared to mass report.

The following are the aspiring Presidential candidates in the country of Uganda Clockwise: Dr Besigye, Mr Mbabazi, The Incumbent... Mr Museveni, Prof. Baryamureeba, Ms Kyaalya, Dr Bwanika, Gen. Biraaro and MR Mabirizi 

  

The people in Uganda fear and run from Police oppression as

the African Police gets tough against normal human rights

demostrations.

 

By Gilbert Kidimu

October 13, 2014, is a day very few Ugandans who watched the news that night will forget. The footage of a lady struggling against officers, who restrain her and tear off her clothes while she desperately screams: “Why are you undressing me?” repeatedly in the video, will make a grand chapter in the 2015/16 elections history.

Zaina Fatuma, the subject in the video and member of the Forum for Democratic Change’s (FDC) National Executive Committee, was stripped and manhandled while being arrested by police at Kanyaryeru in Kiruhura.

The police had blocked the party’s presidential flag-bearer Dr. Kizza Besigye along the Masaka-Mbarara highway from proceeding to Rukungiri where he was expected to hold a rally.

The party members were ambushed by police, roughed up and detained for hours by the Uganda Police Force.

Besigye who was moving in a convoy with a number of party officials was later carted off to Kaguta Road Police station in Kiruhura district where he was interrogated. Others including lawmakers Ibrahim Semujju Nganda, Paul Mwiru, Geoffrey Ekanya, Patrick Amuriat and FDC Party Chairman Wasswa Birigwa were also brutally arrested.

Fatuma’s pictures quickly spread like wild fire on social media, dominating discussions for days on end, and sparked anger against the police from both the opposition and human rights defenders.

Ugandans expressed fear over what lies ahead as the country moves closer to the 2016 presidential election, human rights activists shuddered, while Uganda Law Society branded the episode “unacceptable, unfortunate, unnecessary and outlandish.”

This Tuesday, during a forum to foster peaceful general elections in 2016 under the theme: “Fostering a Peaceful, Free, and Fair 2015/16 General Elections,” John Mary Odoi, Chairperson Human Rights Network Uganda HURINET expressed worry over what happens to opposition members. Considering police’ brutality, you wonder whether people know what elections are.

“It is just choosing leaders but there is never a sweet election especially considering the past three general elections,” he settled adding that HURINET is concerned about what has been happening and continues to occur. “We are required to makes sure the society is free from human rights abuse.”

“An election is anything but a war, so when I see groups of militias in the guise of crime preventers, it makes me doubt the pending elections will be peaceful at all,” he reasoned.

He said HURINET is interested in finding out the role of various security agencies in the election process; their impact on the outcome of the elections. “It concerns us that so far police has been very brutal, yet the same opposition members they have victimised have proved very peaceful as witnessed during the presidential nominations. This means police brutality has not been justified whatsoever.”

“We need to allow people to vote their leaders without intimidation. Unfortunately the sight of machines scares local citizens into electing people they should not have elected. This undermines democracy.”

Professor Ndebesa Mwambutsya, Political Don, Makerere University, said there is no way the run up to the 2016 elections is conducive for peaceful elections citing a number of irregularities.

“We are still making and amending laws governing elections even when elections are already underway.”

He a=further said that some laws such as the Public Order Management Act are being enforced in spite of no consensus about them.

“The EC is not neutral from what we have clearly observed. That is why it ordered aspiring candidates to desist from campaigning, and then let the incumbent do exactly that in Kololo. Neither the EC nor the police showed up at Kololo when president Museveni campaigned publicly and badmouthed his opponents.”

He further added that it is hardly the case that a government can lose an election it has organised.

He also articulated his reservations on the neutrality of the judiciary considering that the Chief Justice and his deputy were once upon a time NRM diehards

He however expressed glee over the fact that ethnic and religious identities aren’t as prominent as they were in the 60’s. He added that the use of ICT and especially smartphones is a =n effective way of exposing the ills going on.

“Increased urbanisation and private media is making sure that people are more informed than in the past.”

Irene Ovonji, chief executive officer of Uganda Association of Women Lawyers, said there is a high possibility that many voters will be disenfranchised because using the National ID register to determine the voters’ list leaves out a great number of people. “It was never communicated that the National ID list would also act as the voter’s list,” she argued.

She later described the election climate as a major challenge citing the police stripping of Zaina Fatuma among other misconducts by the police.

“We need to speak up much more as civil society and act more,” she suggested.

IT HAS BECOME IMPOSSIBLE INDEED FOR THE POLITICAL PARTY OF KABAKA YEKKA   TO PARTICIPATE IN THE ONCOMING NATIONAL ELECTIONS OF 2016.   THIS POLITICAL PARTY WILL SUPPORT   THE ANTICIPATED CITIZENS BOYCOTT AGAINST THESE ELECTIONS.   A POLITICAL COMMUNICATION FROM THE PARTY OF KABAKA YEKKA.   It is very unfortunate for the President of Uganda to undermine the Importance of Traditional leaders in our African societies. He is a leader who has used them to come to power unlike President Mugabe who manipulated the colonized and their colonizers to get in power. How could a democratic legislative assembly allow such unjustified emotions to bring about the Political Parties and Organisations Act ? This Act should be scraped at once. It only addresses the untenable restrictions of cultural leaders and not the major political party issues of Uganda with their historic and rampant dictatorship since independence. How dare the judiciary to say that the party of Kabaka Yekka brought about a lot of misfortunes to Uganda and might do so again if it is registered as a political party again. We are not guilty for punishment if we do not change our name and adamantly stick to what we believe in as our right to associate. This is our culture, customs and traditions. Which political party introduced the AK-47 gun and is currently well registered in the good books of the Electoral Commissioner. Is it not the party of the Uganda Peoples Congress? The UPC interference in the rights of the people to practice peacefully their cultural rights is the order of the day up to the present time since 52 years ago. And by the way, who takes pride in using military words, slogans and symbols to arouse divisions of all sorts and to mark so many deaths from many civil wars, which have been brazenly fought, and yet the Electoral Commissioner of Elections has at a glance generously registered his various political parties. Is that the true purpose of the Constitution of automatically promoting a just and democratic society based on unity and social justice and progress, using military hardware to try to confuse the Kingdom of Buganda and its people or any other tribe? Should the destructive nature of a futile armed struggle be the basis to arouse excitement and bring about constitutional principles of unity, social justice and equality for all the tribes of Uganda?  And then  agree on forming a new national constitution. Even up to now there is talk of trying to convince General Kony, also a guerrilla bush leader armed to the teeth, and of the Acholi tribe, to put down his AK47 guns. This tribal military leader has been promised forgiveness from so much wars and destruction by the traditional movement judiciary, other than the formal prosecution of the ICC. Out of this entire political charade, General Kony can then register his political party and participate in the next national general election in this country. Is this what Parliament was mandated to rubberstamp this ridiculous controlling law (PPOAct) to police the operations of Political Parties so that some parties can be registered at a glance, others can negotiate for such an opportunity, and others can be out rightly refused that birthright to access the freedom of association so dear to us since our majestic parenthood fought for an independent Uganda?     CONSTITUTIONAL PETITION NO. 22 OF 2006 1. PAUL KAFEERO 2. HERMAN KAZIBWE ::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: PETITIONERS VERSUS 1. THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION 2. THE ATTORNEY GENERAL :::::::::::::::::::::::::: RESPONDENT JUDGEMENT OF KITUMBA, JA The petition is brought under the Articles 137 (3) and 50 (1) and (2) of the constitution and the fundamental right and freedom (Enforcement procedure) Rules 1992, and the Civil procedure Rules. It was filed in this Court on 11/5/2005 and amended on 2nd July, 2007. The petitioner namely Paul Kafeero and Herman Kazibwe are Ugandan citizens who claim to be aggrieved as stated in the petition. 1. “Your petitioners Paul Kafeero and Herman Kazibwe are affected and aggrieved by the following matters being inconsistent with the constitution of the Republic of Uganda. a) Your petitioner are aggrieved by the 1st respondent’s refusal to register their political party in the names of KABAKA YEKKA” on the grounds that the name contravenes the provisions of sections 5 (1) and 16(1) of the political parties and organizations Act 2005 and as it is likely to be confused with the kingdom of Buganda. b) The decision by the 1st respondent not to register the political party “Kabaka Yakka” contravenes Article 72 (1) of the constitution of the Republic of Uganda which guarantees the petitioners and other citizens of Uganda the right to form political parties of their choice. c) That the decision by the 1ST respondent not to register the political party “KABAKA YEKKA” contravenes 29(1) (e) of the constitution which provides for freedom of association. 2. Your petitioners is further aggrieved by the respondents’ continued observance and enforcement of section 5(1) (a) and (2) of the political Parties and organizations Act 2005 in relation to your petitioners and their political party “KABAKA YEKKA” In contravention of Articles 72 (1) (e) of the constitution of the Republic of Uganda. 3. That the1st respondent’s observance and enforcement of section 5(1) (a) and (2) of the political Parties and Organizations Act 2005 puts limitations and restrictions on the petitioners’ enjoyment of their rights and a freedoms beyond what is justifiable and acceptable in a free and democratic society and accorded in the constitution by Article 43 (2) (c) thereof. 4. The petitioners have suffered much inconvenience and great loss by the failure of the 1st respondent to register the party “KABAKA YEKKA”. 5. Your petitioners state by reason of the matters stated in paragraphs 1,2 and 3 above the actions of the 1st respondent as they relate to the party “KABAKA YEKKA” are unconstitutional and must be struck down all null and void."     The petition is supported by the affidavit sworn by Paul Kafeero, the 1st petitioner.   In answer to the petition both respondents deny all allegations in the petition. The respondents claim that the allegations contained in paragraphs 1,2,3 and 5 of the petition are frivolous and vexatious. The two respondents make specific answers to the petition as follows.   “In specific reply to paragraph 1(a-c) 2, 3 and 5 of the petition”.   (i) The first respondent lawfully and justifiably refused to register the political party in the names of “KABAKA YEKKA” as this would contravene the provisions of section 5(1) (a) (b) and 16(1) of the political parties and Organisations act 2005 and it was likely to be confused with the kingdom of Buganda.   (ii) Denies in response to paragraph 1 (b) that the decision by the 1st respondent not to register the political Party “KABAKA YEKKA” contravenes Article 29(1) (e) of the Constitution, which provides for freedom of association.   (iii) Denies in response of paragraph 2 that the respondents continued observance and enforcement of section 5 (1) (a) and 2 of the political parties and organisations Act in relation to the petitioner and their political party “KABAKA YEKKA” contravenes Article, 29 (1) (e) of the constitution which provides freedom of association.   (iv) Denies in response of paragraph 2 that the respondents continued observance and enforcement of section 5 (!) (a) and 2 of the political parties and organisations Act in relation to the petitioner and their political party “Kabaka Yekka” contravenes Article 72 (1) and 29 (1) (e) of the constitution of the republic of Uganda.   (v) Ever that the limitation under section 5 (1) (a) and 2 of the political parties and organisations Act 2005 are justifiable, reasonable and acceptable in a free and democratic society and are in line with Article 43 (2) (c) of the constitution.   (vi) Ever that the decision of the First respondent relating to the party “KABAKA YEKKA” was in line with the provisions of the political parties and Organisations Act, which provides emanate from the constitution of the Republic of Uganda and was therefore, constitutional.   (vii) Ever that the decision of the First respondent relating to the party “KABAKA YEKKA” was in line with the provisions of the political parties and Organisation Act, which provides emanate from the constitution of the republic of Uganda and was therefore, Constitutional.   4. The respondents aver that the petitioners are stopped from seeking remedies in this petition as they ignored the specific procedure in the political parties and Organisations Act for challenging the refusal to register a party.   5. The Respondents consequently aver that the Amended petition is incompetent, without merit and does not require constitutional interpretation.     THE REPUBLIC OF UGANDA IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF UGANDA AT KAMPALA 5 CORAM: HON. JUSTICE AA.E.N.MPAGI-BAHIGEINE, JA HON. JUSTICE S.G.ENGWAU, JA HON. JUSTICE C.N.K KITUMBA, JA HON. JUSTICE C.K BYAMUGISHA, JA HON. JUSTICE S.B.K. KAVUMA, JA 10 CONSTITUTIONAL PETITION NO.22.OF 2006 BETWEEN 1. PAUL KAFEERO 2. HERMAN KAZIBWE:::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::::: PETITIONERS AND 1. THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION 2. THE ATTORNEY GENERAL::::::::::::::::::::::::: RESPONDENTS. JUDGMENT OF S.B.K.KAVUMA, JA. I have had the advantage of reading in draft the judgement prepared by Hon. Lady Justice C.N.B Katumba JA. I agree with that judgement, the reasoning therein nd the orders proposed. I have nothing to do. Dated at Kampala this 30th day of April, 2008 S.B.K KAVUMA JUSTICE OF CONSTITUTIONAL COURT.       OKWEJJUKANYA MU BYOKULONDA KWENSI BUGANDA ATE NENSI UGANDA.:     EBYAFAAYO:   1) OKULONDA 1958 nga ensi ya Buganda yetegekera okwefuga. Okulonda obutereevu ababaka ba Uganda Parliament(Legico) kwaliwo mu bitundu ebikiikirirwa (constituencies) 10 byokka mu kifo ky’ebitundu 18 ebyali bisaliddwa mu Uganda yonna. Kuno okulonda ensi Buganda yagaana okukwetabamu.   2)Okulonda 1961 nga ensi Buganda ate n’ensi Uganda zetegekera okwefuga. Ensi Buganda era yagana okwetaba mukulonda kuno. Buganda yateesa bweti:   BUGANDA TEJJA KUKWATIBWANGAKO MATEEKA GA CENTRAL GOVERNMENTI EMPYA EVUDDE MUKULONDA KUNO. ERA N’OLUKIIKO TERUJJANGA KUBAAKO KYE LUTEESA NE BAMINISTA BA UGANDA ABAVUDDE MUKULONDDEBWA KUNO.   Era olukiiko luno lwagoba Ababaka Abaganda 17 abenyigira mukulonda kuno nga kuliko baminista 2 ate n’Abamasaza 2. Bo Abaganda abekibiina kya Democratic Party baakkiriza okulonda era ne basobola okutwala abakiise 19 aba Buganda abe kibiina kino mu Parliament (Legico). Okuvuganya kwali nyo wakati wa DP ekikulemberwa Benedicto Kiwanuka, ne UPC ekyali kikulemberwa Milton Obote. Ebifo byonna mu Parliament eno byali 82. Aba DP bafuna ebifo 19 Buganda ate 24 ebweru wa Buganda... awamu 43. Aba UPC bafuna ebifo 35 ebweru anti nga wano mu Buganda tebakirizibwawo. Aba Uganda National Congress(Musaazi ne Baganda banne bafuna ekifo kimu(1). Abatalina bibiina(independents) Bayindi... bafuna ebifo 2. Ekifo kimu kyasigala nga kikalu. Gavana wa Bungereza eyali akuuma ensi ya Buganda ate ne Uganda yasanyuka nyo era n’omukulu w’Amatwale ga Bungereza n’asekera mu kikondo nga bamanyi nti kakati eby' ensi Buganda tebakyabiteesa na Lukiiko lwa Buganda ne Ssabasajja. Nga bajjanga kubiteesa n’ababaka ba National Assembly(Parliament) nebabimala kubanga n’Abaganda baalinamu Ababaka. Kigambibwa nti singa ekibiina kya Democratic Party kyazira okulonda okwo, omufuzi w’Amatwale owa Bungereza teyandisobodde kuwalaawala Buganda na kugisindiikiriza mu muvuyo ogw’entegeka z’ebyobufuzi ezaali zitasobola kunyweza mirembe:   Abamu kubabaka aba Buganda abekibiina kya Democratic Party abawangula ebifo mu Buganda be bano:   Anselimi Musoke........................................Omubaka wa South Mubende ne Gomba. Paulo K Ssemwogerere...............................Omubaka wa North Mengo (Lubaga) Matayo Mugwanya......................................Omubaka wa South Mengo(Namirembe) Alifonsi Ntale..............................................Omubaka wa Kkome Lawrence Ssebalu.......................................Omubaka wa North East Kyaggwe A.W.K. Mukasa..........................................Omubaka wa North West Mengo Stanley Bemba...........................................Omubaka wa mu Kibuga Kampala.   49 years after Lubiri attack: The lessons and memories Uganda’s first president and King of Buganda, Kabaka Edward Mutesa II (C), inspects a guard of honour. He fled his palace at Mengo near Kampala amid an attack on May 24, 1966. FILE PHOTOS   By Faustin Mugabe Posted  Sunday, May 24  2015 at  01:00 IN SUMMARY Overthrow. Today marks 49 years since the ouster of Kabaka Edward Mutesa II. On that morning of May 24, 1966, Uganda’s first president and king of Buganda fled his palace at Mengo near Kampala amid a downpour. With his escorts, they escaped to Burundi and then flew to Britain, from where Mutesa eventually died. Faustin Mugabe pieces together the events of that day.   Here goes the adventures of Obote and Amin over the State of Buganda:   The ‘storm’ that hit Lubiri on May 24, 1966, had been hovering over Uganda since independence, or even before. For instance, Kabaka Mutesa wrote to Obote asking for the Uganda Army to play music on his birthday on November 19, 1965. But Obote refused in spite of Mutesa being the president and commander-in-chief of the armed forces.  In response, Obote said there was no need to have the army entertain Mutesa’s guests since the function was a private one.  In his speech to Parliament on April 15, 1966, Obote revealed how his refusal to release the army band to Mutesa worsened the relationship between Mengo and the central government: “I want to tell the country that letters of this kind, resistance of this kind nearly brought this country into trouble after February 4, 1966. I am very clear in my mind that the idea was not only to remove the government, but the idea was that some of us, particularly myself should not live at all.”  “The idea was that someone should take my place, someone who was amenable not to resist requests of this kind, someone who was amenable to give to Mengo police posts which they lost in the Uganda High Court. Someone who was amenable to give to Mengo the finance which they lost in the Privy Council, someone who was amenable, probably to give back what used to be called lost, but now are called recovered counties.” “Now, this was the background of the minds of the gentlemen who brought a motion in Parliament on February 4, 1966, and it was felt that immediately, steps would be taken to get rid of Obote who was stopping one man [Kabaka Mutesa II] from being the feudal lord of Uganda. Thank God there was that Obote!” Among other reasons that led to the storming of the Lubiri was the breakup of the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC) - Kabaka Yekka (KY) alliance on August 24, 1966.  After the collapse of the alliance, former prime minister and Democratic Party (DP) president general Benedict Kiwanuka, while in Britain, held a press conference. The Uganda Argus of august 27, 1964, quoted Kiwanuka as having said: “The breakup of the UPC-KY alliance might prove to be the most important political event of the year for Uganda.” The paper further reported that Kiwanuka had observed that the right moment for DP-KY to bond had come since Buganda had learnt a lesson from the collapse of UPC-KY alliance. However, the DP-KY alliance Kiwanuka had anticipated was never to be. And neither did the storm condense. It was instead reignited by the announcement of the referendum on the two “lost counties” of Buyaga and Bugangaizi. When it was held on November 4, 1966, inhabitants in the two counties overwhelmingly voted to remain in Bunyoro Kingdom. This left Buganda furious, especially after the central government had refused to support Buganda to regain the two counties.  The February 4, 1966, motion tabled before Parliament MP Daudi Ochieng, also the secretary general of the KY, to censure then prime minister Obote and suspend the acting army commander, Col Idi Amin, over the smuggling of the gold and ivory into Uganda from Congo, increased the tension. The motion was defeated in Parliament. And when all efforts to eject Obote politically from office failed, a coup was hatched by Mutesa and some military officers as well as some UPC cabinet ministers. Due to fear, when the UPC government received raw intelligence that Mutesa had smuggled into his palace guns from abroad, they did not take time to sieve it.  With the May 22, 1966, Buganda Lukiiko ultimatum to the central government to exit Buganda’s soil by May 30, 1966, Obote reacted swiftly and with maximum force, lest the feared guns at the Mengo palace would be used to oust him.   Former army commander Idi Amin.     After the ultimatum was delivered, three Baganda chiefs and Amos Sempa, a former KY leader in the National Assembly, were arrested by the government.  The news of the arrest of chiefs Lameck Sebanakitta of Kyaggwe County, Micheal Matove of Buddu County and James Lutaaya of Ssingo by police led Baganda youth in Kampala to riot. One police Land Rover on patrol was torched by the rioting youth on Kabakanjagala Road, but all police officers escaped alive, the Uganda Argus of May 24, 1966, reported.  To government, riots in Kampala, Mukono and Mubende indicated that Mengo was ready for war, more especially after the Gwanga Mujje, the traditional Buganda war drum, sounded in some parts of the kingdom.  Whether the May 24, 1966, attack of the Lubiri was a pre-emptive act, or a simple arrest and search, has not been convincingly told. Watching attack next to Obote “On that day, [May 24, 1966] Obote wanted Mutesa dead,” says a retired civil servant who was a senior aide to prime minister/president Milton Obote at the time. He says he heard the conversation between Obote and then Col Idi Amin, then army commander, as the fight was raging on between government forces and the Kabaka’s guards. The guards, he says, put up a spirited fight before they were overpowered.  “I was with Obote looking through the window at the State Lodge, Nakasero, when the fighting was going on,” the former aide to president Obote responded. “What did you see happening in the Lubiri from State House?” I asked. “It was raining and we saw nothing, apart from the smoke and hearing the gun shots.” “What else can you remember from that morning?”  “After sometime, Amin came driving himself in a jeep. He told Obote that they [soldiers] had met resistance at Mutesa’s house. Obote asked him what they needed to do to defeat them. Amin asked for permission [from Obote as the commander-in- chief] to use artillery to shell the compound where resistance was coming from. Obote accepted Amin’s request and Amin returned to the Lubiri.” “After sometime, we heard a very big sound.” “Did Amin come back to report to Obote in your presence?” I asked. “No,” he answered.  From several witnesses accounts recorded on that day, including Mutesa’s book Desecration of My Kingdom, a huge boom was heard after countless gun shots.  The witness further revealed: “There was tension at the State lodge. We wanted to know the situation inside the Lubiri. Obote wanted to be certain if Mutesa was dead.”  “Since his body [Mutesa] could not be located in and around the Lubiri, in the morning towards midday, Obote sent me to the Lubiri to access the situation. I used a helicopter to land in the Lubiri because we felt it was not safe for me to drive to the Lubiri in a government car.” “He asked me to look at the dead bodies inside the Lubiri to see if there was one of Mutesa. I looked at almost every dead body. I had never, and I never, seen a number of dead bodies like those I saw in the Lubiri. Many people were killed,” the witness recalls.  “Did you try to trace Mutesa’s whereabouts?” I asked. “Yes, the government tried, but the Baganda concealed the intelligence the government wanted. But somehow, the intelligence tracked his [Mutesa’s] movements up to Masaka [Bukakata port] where it is said he boarded the ferry and escaped to Tanzania before proceeding to Burundi,” the witness says. Although he has written a book about Amin, the witness did not mention the account of May 24 as he saw it from the State lodge on Nakasero Hill in Kampala. When asked why, he said: “I don’t want to have quarrels with Buganda.” President Obote’s memorable quotes on Buganda and Kabaka Mutesa II From 1963 when the rift between the Uganda Peoples Congress and Mengo government ( UPC-KY alliance) emerged, through the 1966 Buganda crisis to 1969 when Kabaka Mutesa II died in exile, president Obote made several statements on the Kabaka Yekka party, Buganda and the Kabaka himself. Below are some of the quotes Faustin Mugabe compiled: On feudalism  “Without the foresight, drive and leadership of the UPC, the bulk of the people in Buganda would today still be opposed to the central authority covering the whole country. The achievement of our political independence had been delayed simply because of the difficulties encountered in the pursuit of unity and understanding. The preparation for independence with a central government has struck at the root problem of loyalty – and attempts to solve it have brought fear,” Uganda Argus, April 4, 1962 “The past policy of feudalists that the masses were unable to govern themselves and had therefore to be ruled by certain categories of individuals due to no qualifications other than birth has been replaced by the principle that citizens should work together, sharing joys and tribulations on the basis of equality, believing in one government, one Parliament based on common leadership and one people.”  East Africa Journal October 1968 On possibility of Mutesa returning to Uganda “There will be no discussions. Let no one think this government [UPC] is thinking of restoring Sir Edward Mutesa as the Kabaka… Sir Edward is no longer the Kabaka of Buganda.”  Uganda Argus, June 30, 1966 “If there is any Ugandan citizen, here or abroad who thinks Uganda will go back to the old days where the whole politics of the country were around individual patronage and personality [Sir Edward Mutesa II], that person can go on dreaming.”     Former president Milton Obote. Uganda Argus, October 9, 1968   On abolition of kingdoms  “I tell you, we have not done wrong. The government wanted to abolish the era of servitude that the people had known for centuries and centuries. Those who wanted to remain slaves could stay backward.”  Uganda Argus, April 19, 1968 “The events of the last two years represent a frontal attack to remove feudalism from the face of Uganda and in the same process; a new vista opened the eyes of many to the advantages of the national unity.”  Uganda Argus, July 7, 1968 “The era of serfdom is gone; and young people of Uganda must be allowed to grow in an atmosphere of freedom and find themselves in adulthood in the role of participants in advancement of freedom and not in the role of serfs.”  Uganda Argus, January 11, 1971 On Mengo/UPC government conflict “Mengo had wanted to take over the police in their own district so that there could not be a single Uganda policeman in Buganda. They also wanted various other services to be handed over to them. The government [UPC] had resisted their [Mengo] demand to decide on the subversion which Uganda would give Mengo. Then Uganda had a president [Mutesa] who did not know whether he was an elected president or a president by birth.”  Uganda Argus, June 10, 1968 On Kabaka Yekka “If Kabaka Yekka decide to upset the government [of UPC] in the Parliament, the Kabaka alone would be held responsible. There are still people especially in Buganda who are living in 1900. That was why UPC members in Buganda were experiencing trouble. They wanted change, but other people did not.” Uganda Argus, August 3, 1964 “Some KY leaders thought it possible to introduce Buganda imperialism into Uganda, but the UPC opposed this just as it opposed White imperialism.” Uganda Argus, August 4, 1964 On kings  “They had power to rule, to kill, to do practically anything they liked. One of them even assumed the name of husbands of all men.” Uganda Argus, April 19, 1968 On ousting King Mutesa “Government must be based on the will of the people and nationalism and not on the whims of one man who happens to occupy a position because of what position or status of his ancestors occupied in society in the past.”  Address to Parliament on May 28, 1966 “There is nothing to regret about what we have done; what we have dealt with is clear. What we must have is determination in the government. We are determined.”  Uganda Argus, May 28, 1966 “We are prepared for anything. My information is that there will not be any resistance, unless foreigners try to put their noses in [the conflict] then we shall cut down their noses. I am here on behalf of the people of Uganda. We are not going to allow any province in Uganda to rebel irrespective of local opinion in that province.”  Uganda Argus, May 28, 1966 On Buganda “It is very dangerous for anyone to try to isolate any tribe in Uganda. It is even more dangerous for any politician to try to isolate Uganda’s central province. Buganda is an essential part of Uganda. Uganda cannot do without Buganda, just as Buganda cannot do without the rest of the country.”  Uganda Times, August 15, 1980 “It is possible that during our term [UPC government 1962-1971], we overacted. But I have no grudge against any Ugandan. I am a liberated Ugandan.” Uganda Times, November 7, 1980     An idiot cannot rule a country even for one day! Binaisa and Lule weren't idiots. Museveni and the Idiot's Guide to Establishing a Dictatorship Posted on July 10, 2011 By Zareen Iqbal> Uganda's newly elected President, Yoweri Museveni, angry at opposition> protests over his extensive reign and the country's deteriorating economic> situation, recently declared the media an 'enemy of the state.' Referring> specifically to the BBC, Al Jazeera, East African NTV and Uganda's> privately-owned The Daily Monitor, Museveni attacked freedoms of speech and> expression, the very basis of a democratic state--likening news outlets'> reporting of recent unrest to 'treachery'. With this rather disturbing> attack, Museveni was simply solidifying his position as Africa's next> dictator, using what have become rather standardized tactics, applied by> numerous African 'strongmen' before him, to establish authoritarian rule.>>>> *Step 1. Eliminate Term Limits*>> Ensuring no term limits is key to implementing one man rule. It is the very> first step to guaranteeing that the man in power retains his seat without> legal recourse. Dictators from Egypt's now defunct Hosni Mubarak to> Zimbabwe's chief enemy of the state, Robert Mugabe, have employed this> measure, believing that the constitutional absence of presidential term> limits somehow legitimizes and justifies their continuous bid for> 're-election'. Term limits are in fact a base principle of democracy; the> very notion that an individual can retain power for decades is completely> inimical to democratic practice. Thus the absence of term limits makes> democracy impossible. Thankfully, there are signs that populations across> Africa are recognizing this fact--most recently demonstrated by the ousting> of Niger's President Mamadou Tandja, who attempted to alter the country's> constitution by erasing presidential term limits and soon found himself> sitting in a jail cell after mass protest and a military coup led to his> dethroning.>> Unfortunately for Ugandans, the government started its web of> constitutional provisions, laws and regulations that entrenched one-man> rule almost two decades earlier. It started with a Museveni-led revision of> the country's constitution in 1995 that included eliminating multi-party> politics in favor of Museveni's political party, the National Resistance> Movement (NRM). Museveni essentially solidified one-party rule by limiting> the power of Ugandans to organize and form political parties (actually by> criminalizing such acts) and by ensuring that members of other political> parties were removed from government posts. Museveni claimed that the NRM> was completely inclusive and that it would represent all Ugandans, thereby> eliminating the need for a multi-party system. Exploiting Ugandan's sense> of unity, Museveni, like other dictators before him, claimed that the> multi-party system fostered sectarianism and therefore was 'dangerous'. The> result was the absolute, unopposed control of all government by the NRM;> supplemented a constitutional amendment that required the country's leader> to be member of the NRM.>> It was shortly before the end of Museveni's second term, which was set to> lapse in 2006, that he initiated his push to remove presidential term> limits. The 1995 constitution limited presidents to two 5-year terms;> however, this would mean an end to Museveni's rule, which he could not> allow. With his party already the dominant force within Parliament,> Museveni found it easy to summon the two-thirds majority needed to amend> the constitution once again. Furthermore, the constitution had already been> amended a total of 119 times by then; in addition, the document's length> was unparalleled, reflecting the rather confused process in which it was> created and then revised. Parliamentary corruption was the final factor in> determining Museveni's success in passing the amendment. It was reported> that over 70% of MPs openly took bribes in exchange for their vote. The> final parliamentary vote was 220 to 53 in favor of eliminating term limits.>>>>> *Step 2. Delegitimize and Incapacitate the Opposition*>> Removing presidential term limits, although important to establishing> dictatorial rule, only afford the incumbent the opportunity to win the> presidential seat once again. A wider campaign to incapacitate any> opposition or challenge to re-election is required in order to guarantee> victory. As mentioned under Step 1, Museveni devised a strategy that> ensured NRM's dominance within the government. In fact, Museveni managed to> alter the constitution to essentially outlaw the formation of political> parties. Ironically, the provision contradicts some of the primary tenets> of the constitution: freedom of speech, expression and assembly. Several> attempts at legally challenging the constitutionality of many of these> offensive provisions and subsequent bills through Uganda's courts sadly> failed.>> Unfortunately, the 'war on terror' gave new license to dictatorial> governments to crackdown on any opposition groups thought to be challenging> the established order. Museveni, like several other tyrannical African and> Middle Eastern leaders, used the pretense of terrorism to dismantle and> arrest any persons or groups who threatened their rule. Uganda's 2002> Anti-terrorism Act, which broadly defined terrorist activity and any> material or intellectual support for such activity, veritably permitted the> arrest and possible execution of any persons accused of attempting to cause> unrest. The bill also gave Uganda's security establishment sweeping powers> of surveillance and monitoring of citizens, civil society and political> groups, as well as the media. The Act has essentially prevented any> meaningful attempt at challenging Museveni's reign.>> That same year, the Ugandan parliament passed the 2002 Political Parties> and Organizations Act, which attempted to set very strict conditions under> which political parties could register. Although the act legitimized the> formation of political parties, it also placed heavy restrictions on them,> basically depriving them of the freedom to function. In a rare case of> judicial independence, sections of the act that restrained party function> were deemed unconstitutional by Uganda's high court. The petitioners argued> that the act would transform Uganda into a de jure one-party state,> solidifying NRM's rule. This led to the lifting of the ban on political> parties in 2005 (which coincided with the removal of presidential term> limits).>> Since the lifting of the ban, several small opposition political parties> have emerged; however, their influence is minimal. In addition, the chief> opposition party to the NRM, the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), is led> by Kizza Besigye, a close former ally of Museveni. FDC's leadership is> comprised mostly of disenchanted NRM members, frustrated over Museveni's> continued rule and their inability to seize the presidential seat. Besigye> himself is perceived by many as being no better than Museveni, using the> façade of democratic reform to ascend to the presidency. Nevertheless,> Besigye, along with other stalwart FDC members, have suffered numerous> arrests and beatings, in pursuit of their goals. In addition, it should be> noted that there are several highly respected Ugandan civil society leaders> who are members of the FDC and whose democratic motivations are not> questioned.>> Museveni is clearly threatened by the FDC's growing popularity. Over the> past three elections, Besigye's base has increased; in the last election,> held in February 2011, Besigye obtained 26% of the vote to Museveni's 68%.> The FDC claimed widespread electoral fraud in the form of ballot-box> stuffing and intimidation, and attempted to stage peaceful mass protests> within the capital (protests that eventually focused on the country's> deteriorating economic crisis); however the protests were met swiftly with> violent anti-rioting tactics from security forces, acting on the orders of> Museveni, who had vowed to put a stop to any street protests, warning> against Egyptian-style protests in Uganda (and by doing so, manifestly> validating that he is indeed a dictator of the Mubarak sort).>> After numerous brutal crackdowns that included spraying pink dye onto> anyone engaged in the peaceful 'Walk to Work' campaign (a tactic used by> the South African apartheid regime against black South Africans to later> identify and arrest protestors), Besigye was beaten and arrested and now> stands trial for 'inciting violence, rioting after proclamation and> unlawful assembly'--the latter of which seems an impossibility within a true> democracy. But Museveni's attack against any opposition did not end there.> Museveni recently convened a commission to discuss the possibility of once> again amending the constitution to ensure that any person arrested for> protesting be denied the opportunity for bail (and be held for up to six> months). He also desires the inclusion of a provision that would deem the> act of protesting a form of 'economic sabotage,' claiming that even> peaceful protests threaten the economic stability of the country.> Museveni's proposals continue to be hotly contested by various government,> civil society and university entities, even his own supporters. It remains> to be seen whether he can use his corrupt influence and heavy-handedness to> force the provisions through.>>>> *Step 3. Debilitate and Control the Media*>> In addition to the new provisions attacking the basic rights to assembly> and due process under the law, Museveni's proposal has also threatened> Uganda's independent media, which is considered one of the few mediums left> for Ugandans to openly discuss and debate State affairs--as they've found> themselves increasingly disenfranchised from their own government.> Museveni, obviously unhappy with any critical reporting of his rule, has> launched a targeted attack against Ugandan media, declaring its reporting> to be "unbalanced" and even "treacherous." In what was very violent and yet> typical language for him, Museveni dubbed specific media outlets as> "enemies of Uganda's recovery," and vowed to treat them as such. Museveni> warned against what he called 'malicious' and 'irresponsible' reporting by> some of Uganda's major media outlets.>> The coupling of these accusations with the announcement of the proposed> constitutional amendment that essentially deems any protest a threat to the> State is concerning, particularly since any reporting that criticizes the> regime's actions could be interpreted as a form of 'protest'. In addition,> people are undoubtedly inspired to action over what they read or hear in> the news. Under the new laws, any action on the part of individuals or> groups that is viewed by the government as 'inciting violence' would be> considered criminal. Could the media therefore be held liable for 'inciting> violence,' for simply reporting the facts or being critical of Museveni and> his government's actions?>> In order to solidify authoritarian rule, it is essential for Museveni to> completely debilitate all government and public outlets of independent> thought and discussion. To a dictator, the media should be just another> tool to enforce his agenda and dictate his country's narrative. The total> control of all major media, although increasingly difficult to achieve in> this day and age with the advent of Internet reporting and social> networking, is a tactic applied successfully by numerous African strong men> nonetheless. In fact, Museveni's long-time crony, Paul Kagame, President of> Rwanda, has recently employed such a strategy to stymie any critique of his> government, using the pretense of 'inciting ethnic hostility' to arrest> reporters and editors and to suspend and remove media licenses. Museveni> has often criticized Uganda's major independent media outlets of their> reporting; his regime has also gone so far as to periodically shut down> newspapers and radio stations and to detain editors and reporters.> Museveni's recent proclamations are therefore a troubling indicator of an> escalation in his campaign against independent media (and essentially truth> and fact).>>> *Step 4. Secure Loyalty of Security Forces/Military Leadership*>> Ugandans do not have an army. Museveni has an army. That is the sentiment> of most Ugandans, and it is mostly true. Museveni led the resistance> against the former Ugandan regime and is hailed as a national hero: the man> who brought stability to what seemed like a never-ending civil conflict> that resulted in the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people. In what> sounded more like a threat than a promise, Museveni has said himself, "I> brought you stability. The other candidates can't keep you as safe [as] I> can, therefore vote for me." In addition, during the 1996 and 2001> elections, Ugandans were subjected to rather threatening and frightening TV> and radio advertisements that warned of the potential of violence if> Museveni was not re-elected.>> Museveni recognizes that his support base is his military, which throughout> the years has been strategically filled with various ethnic clans, whom he> managed to integrate by exploiting fears and promising strategic ends. In> addition, throughout the past two decades, whenever Museveni needed to> replenish his ranks, he often recruited young and impressionable men who> held him in awe; men who view Museveni as some messiah. Many of these> soldiers are now major officers within Museveni's army and their allegiance> is vehement. In fact, it was reported in 2010 that during both the 1996 and> 2001 presidential elections, the country's top military leaders had> conspired to overthrow the democratically-elected government if an> opposition candidate had won over Museveni. Furthermore, Ugandan news media> reported that just this past election, signs of an intended coup by> Museveni were quite obvious, as large contingents of military police and> troops in full battle camouflage were positioned sometimes clandestinely,> sometimes openly, across the country. Indeed most Ugandans have come to> accept the notion that Museveni has no intention of giving up power, even> if he undisputedly loses an election.>> Museveni's unilateral command of the military therefore provides him with> impressive force behind his rule. Maintaining the presence and loyalty of> such a force is key to enforcing authoritarian rule. As long as Museveni> retains such a devoted force, the opposition, as well as average Ugandans,> will have extreme difficulty voicing and/or orchestrating any significant> challenge to the despot's incessant reign.>>>> *Conclusion*>> Africa is littered with dictatorships from Zimbabwe's Mugabe to Sudan's> Omar al-Bashir to the continued reign of the tyrannical Bongo family in> Gabon to Paul Biya of Cameroon. There are over 54 sovereign states in> Africa, and almost all have been subject to some form of dictatorial rule> post-independence. Currently, over 27 African states are run by dictators;> dictators-in-the-making (having abolished term limits); coup leaders;> transitional military regimes; and undemocratic 'power-sharing'> governments. That means an estimated 44% of Africa's total population lives> under an undemocratic regime. Many of these dictatorial regimes have> employed the same tactics listed above to solidify their power. As if> straight from a playbook, this formulaic strategy has been employed time> and time again in several countries so that strong men, those like> Museveni, can remain in power for the benefit of themselves and not their> people. Recognizing the above tactics is important however to understanding> and countering these attempts at establishing authoritarian rule and to> reversing the rising tide of the new era of African dictatorship.

On April 24, Meddie Nsereko hosted GENERAL DAVID SEJUSA on his Kkiriza Oba Gaana [Take it or leave it] show on CBS radio.

Among other things, Gen Sejusa chronicled his history of rebellion, reiterated his opposition to President Museveni, apologized for earlier ‘sins’, and sought to firmly place himself in Uganda’s political opposition.  Siraje Lubwama transcribed and translated the stations’ recording and below are abridged excerpts.

Nsereko: Today’s guest is Gen David Sejusa Munungu alias Seera, a man with many names. He was born to the late Canon Simon Petero Bwajoojo and Tabisa Bwajoojo at Keibona, Nambirizi, and Mawogola. A lawyer by profession, Sejusa was formerly in police at the rank of ASP [Assistant Superintendent of Police] before joining a five-year liberation war in 1981.

Sejusa: I greet you all. I am glad that this is the first radio I have been hosted to since I came back from a two-year exile last year.

What are your real names?

I heard Meddie saying I have many names. All my documents have three names. I am Daudi but when I was born, there was a big born-again Christian convention at Nambirizi, Mawogola. My mother used to lose children that time.

So, when I was born, they called my father who said ‘I don’t regret being a born again; my son is Daudi Sejusa Kulokoka’. Later, I changed from Sejusa to Tinyefuza. Sejusa is a Luganda name and Tinyefuza a Runyankore name but they mean the same thing.

So, you changed your name in a guerilla style.

Not only me: We all changed. There was Chefe Ali, Salim Saleh and others. My other name is Munungu, a clan name. At home, my people call me Seeju not Sejusa.

Am I talking to Sejusa who retired from the army, a serving officer or a politician?

I am a retired Sejusa who is waiting for documents giving me my pension. Leaving the army, I had about three missions. Gen [Wamala] Katumba [the chief of defence forces] at one time said they can’t retire me without getting consent from the Commander-in –Chief.

When I later told them that the Commander-in-Chief had ordered my retirement, I heard them say that the Commander-in-Chief does not order. I have no time for that kind of drama.

When you apply to retire, the Promotions and Retirement Board is supposed to give you information in 90 days whether your application is accepted or denied. All the time the Commander-in-Chief moves with his presidential office which makes him fountain of honour.

Whoever defies his order should be asked. This is the side of the law. There is also another side of a Ugandan who wants his freedom. A man like me who has fought for 34 years, when I apply to retire, I should be retired. Nobody has eight wounds like me.

If Tanzania did not come in, Amin would have died in power. Amin arrested me three times. I was chairman Mitchell hall and a Makerere University students’ leader. I went with Prof [Ssenteza] Kajubi, the former vice chancellor, to Cardinal Nsubuga at Lubaga after suspecting that Amin could kill us. We had just had a strike. Amin arrested us and I have three bullet wounds on my head.

Apart from the two degrees in law, I have a degree in the army. I am a computer expert. By the time I went to the bush, I was rich, had a job and capacity. I left my vehicle at Mbale with keys and walked.

On February 15, 1981 Mr Museveni, asked me for my vehicle to travel with Magala, Joy Mirembe and another person and I did not give it to him. Museveni told me not to go to the bush and instead ordered me to join Saleh and Rubereza in the east where we tried to work with UFM [Uganda Freedom Movement] and opened a second front which did not work.

We carried guns and brought them to Kampala and they arrested me together with other people. I escaped from Obote’s cells where they killed our colleagues. We also fought and killed them. I escaped and went to Kenya, came back and fought from Busia and Kakira sugar plantations.

Hajij [Moses] Kigongo drove us through Buwambo. In the fights there, I was fired at three times near my heart and leg. It is only me who never went to hospital. In 1981 when they fired at [Elly] Tumwine, my hand was in a sling. I walked and went to bury another commander. I am not an ordinary person looking for a job.  Though I am a lawyer and rich, I had political reasons for joining the liberation war.

What made you leave police?

War! They were hitting us. I was leading Mbale operations in a guerilla war at Bufumbo mountain. I wanted to join those going to Tanzania but one commander told my colleagues I was to go with that: ‘we don’t trust Sejusa whom you are going with’. Paul Muwanga took us for training in Tanzania, not Museveni. This was after confusion at LDC, after people had been killed at Katambwa and women raped in a neighbouring village.

I worked with [Francis] Bwengye and the late [Sam] Njuba group during the [1979] ‘Twagala Lule demonstrations. I was a research assistant at LDC from where I hatched the demonstration plan together with Prof Philip Ian, now in South Africa.  Jim Muhwezi and Ntambirweki referred to me as a rationalist.

Nsereko: Even now some people refer to you as such.

Yes, meaning I am not a revolutionary. When Kampala was captured on 26th January 1986, I continued fighting till 26th March 1986 the day I called Museveni who came in a helicopter with his young son Muhoozi and met me at Oraba at the Sudan border where bodies of fallen enemies still lay. I fought Joseph Kony and Alice Lakwena and later carried out other tasks.

Time came and I said I wanted to retire. Museveni has retired himself, retired his young brother and others. I was an MP, minister and CA delegate. During the [2013] confusion, I went to London where I spent two years, came back, I am not employed, I’m not paid salary and seated. Now I am not about law, because it has a limit. The law is blind, it takes you the way you come. The problem we have is disrespecting the law.

Paddy Ankunda warned you to stop politicking.

What will he do to me? Just like Otafiire said, ‘leave General issues to the Generals’. Mishandling army issues has led to the downfall of some countries. Ankunda is a young army officer and he is a good man – don’t put him into this, because I don’t know who sends him to say what he says.

Does he defy the president? If not, it means he is on mugomo [loose talk]. Between him and the Commander-in-Chief, whom should we take.

When you ran to UK, you said a lot of things and formed a party called Freedom and Union Front. You said government rigged elections. What made you flee?

I did not flee. I left here around 29th April 2013 on a routine trip with a return ticket for 9th May 2013. While there, I heard that on 5th May 2013 my assistant, Capt Ssemujju, and civilian youths working in my office were arrested because of the letter I had written to Brig Ronnie Balya [ISO director] telling him to investigate issues concerning the president’s son.

This confusion led to some media houses being closed. On 8th May 2013, while at Heathrow airport trying to come back, I learnt that they deployed police along Entebbe road with APCs and helicopter gunships. After this incident the romours went on that I wanted to overthrow the government. But majority of people who were arrested were civilians.

And you have not helped them. They are in the dock, you are at large.

One way to help them is to come to CBS and talk about them. You want me to wrestle? I hired for them lawyers even when I was still in exile; I look after their families. I even asked the president when I met him why these youths were arrested, because if they were accused of joining me, I am now around.

Why are you not arrested?

(Laughs) It is not easy. You can only arrest a person with evidence and you must be able to prove his alleged offence.

Other people are arrested unlike you.

Who are those? Those who fought the government are here. Gen Bamuze is here, we fought him in Sudan. Amin’s son is here, he is second deputy director ISO. He beat us in DR Congo.

Banya, Kony’s commander, was here. Who among these was arrested? Col Kizza Besigye went to South Africa and came back. Isn’t he out and others in jail? Though he was first arrested, why is he not in exile like Col Mande?

Just like they arrested Besigye, they should have arrested you. Besigye had retired and you are a serving officer.

The way some issues are handled concerning the country must be different and the situation is at times different.  In a country that does not respect the law, it does not matter whether you retired or not.

There is a law that a civilian who is found with anything supposed to be used by only the army is tried in army courts. They can throw army boots at Nsereko’s house and take him to the court martial.

Are such things done?

Yes, they are done! What do you think made us fight? We shall discuss that later. While in UK, I formed a party to oppose Museveni and find my way back forcefully because coming back peacefully had failed.

I don’t keep quiet about this: Museveni, Europeans and the entire world knows it. I will not go beyond this over the issue. I formed Freedom for Unity [FU] with men in exile and others from here. Later FU joined with three other parties like CDF, and we formed Freedom and Unity Front (FUF). Later, we had disagreements on the formula on three issues. Some people thought that the enemy to be fought was UPDF and to me this was not understandable.

When I came back, I went ahead with FU missions up to the time when we formed Platform to Rescue Uganda (PRU) with nine registered political parties with an intention of building capacity for each party. FU is still around. Recently, we visited DP; today we were at JEEMA headquarters. We were going to FDC but the leadership there advised us to talk to individual party members because they understand the retirement issue differently.

It surprises me to see people claiming to be liberating themselves, accusing Museveni of being a dictator, asking me for a retirement certificate before we can talk. Did I first apply to be discharged from police by Obote when I went to the bush?

Was Museveni discharged from the army when he led us [to the bush]? A politician who wants Museveni removed and at the same time asks one who joins him to present a retirement certificate is a joker. He should instead be asking for capacity and aims. Will this certificate remove Museveni?

So, Sejusa and group want to remove Museveni?

When the Tanzania army came here, their aim was to overthrow the revolutionary defence council led by Amin; would Europeans say ‘let’s remove the Nazi fascists’ without mentioning Hitler? If you want to bring a fundamental change, you must dress everything in the same cover.

I wrote to UPC; we shall finally visit FDC and other parties. I wrote to Besigye, Prof Gilbert Bukenya and others. Removing a government led by Museveni is not a big issue because we commanders brought him to power.

We were 34 people with 27 guns. When Obote’s army was passing, we used to cover ourselves with dry banana leaves and people were laughing at us. Museveni used to be called ekirare, a Runyankore word meaning vagabond, when he had just lost the 1980 elections.

Andrew Kayiira was the first in the bush. He tried to hit Luzira on December 27, 1980 and failed. He had guns some of them came from Dambwe - Masuliita where you come from.

Have you built capacity now?

You can’t tell me that 35 million Ugandans can fail to build capacity unless they don’t know what they want or when their aims are false.

Is your problem Museveni or government?

When we went to the bush, there was a way we wanted Uganda to be governed. I personally went there for political reasons, not to be an army careerist. When we captured power, we had the ten-point program just like Christians have the Ten Commandments.

Museveni has betrayed us by replacing the ten-point program with things similar to security lights. This is not the first time I have disagreed with him, the disagreement began from the bush [commercial break].

The views you hear are views of Sejusa, not CBS.

When we were fighting, many people died, and some of their orphans are not studying. We have spent 34 years fighting. Some people think war ended in Uganda but we are still at war.

After five years in the bush, we fought insurgency in the county. The war moved from Acholi, went to DR Congo, Sudan and our boys have been dying. Our aim was to bring fundamental change which is no longer visible. We wanted to build an army that would not be misused by dictators and change the country’s economy for the better. But now, we’re being governed by European armies. America is the one helping us fight Kony.

Don’t reveal government secrets!

We didn’t shed blood to joke, or to look on as our people are being infested with jiggers. The first issue in our ten-point program was democracy. After 2006 presidential race, you heard the Supreme court confirmed, that there was rigging which involved even police, the army and other security agencies.

There was lack of obwerufu which Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga emphasizes. Recently, I heard the president placing soldiers in Naads because civilians had failed to deliver. Unfortunately, Museveni ordered these soldiers to first serve NRM supporters.

This kills the army foundation because you are indicating that there is a difference amongst Ugandans yet Naads is supposed to create wealth for all. We have no sustainable economy. In our budget, we injected only Shs 400bn into agriculture compared to the army’s Shs 1.8 trillion.

APPLOGY TO BUGANDA  

When I was still on that side, we refused Kabaka to visit his subjects in Kayunga district. Such an incident also happened in Acholi.

It is you who refused the Kabaka to visit his subjects at Kayunga.

I didn’t refuse. If you were organized then, you can imagine what would have happened. But those lousy talks might divert you. People make mistakes. If I annoyed Mengo, I apologize.

I am a human being who was under instructions. And it is not me alone, but I take the blame of my part as an individual. But I really tried to fight for Buganda issues. When we brought the 1995 Constitution, it was only me from the government side who voted for federo together with Dr Paul Ssemogerere and other 63 opposition politicians.

Nobody from NRM supported it. I argued then that when we don’t share power, Africa will never be stable.

The way you talk, if we were on TV, one would be seeing a Sejusa who loves his country. But people fear you, you are a spy. In 1996 you said you were getting out of government but you went back. Recently, we saw you going to DP offices and today you visited JEEMA headquarters. People fear that you are bound to repeat what you did in 1996.

People are right to fear (laughter) but those calling me a spy should know that I was the first to oppose Museveni. In 1996, I went to court alone challenging Museveni, pointing out evils like corruption.

The current leaders I will not reveal were the ones trying me. I won a case in Court of Appeal, which doubles as the  Constitutional court. Government appealed to the Supreme court and the lower court’s decision was overturned.

I warned those who were sleeping then that by the time they wake up, they would not be able to remove Museveni. He has not only abrogated the Constitution, but also killed the economy, and tribalism and hatred are on the increase. I sold my cows to pay my lawyers in this two-year legal battle. No one among those who cry for change helped me, apart from Godfrey Lule and [Mike] Sebalu who paid part of my legal fees.

SSEMOGERERE

Still in 1996, I went to the army High command and told Museveni that ‘I will not support you’. I  told him that since we had spent ten years in government,  there was need to bring a civilian and see how he leads  when the wananchi still loved us. Museveni refused my proposal. I went to Ssemogerere and in the meeting we had, I can reveal everything.

Because you are now a civilian?

Go and ask Maria Mutagamba. We used to meet at her Nabbingo residence. It is me who took the late Abu Mayanja’s vehicle and drove Ssemogerere and convinced him to resign from the post of second deputy prime minister when Museveni was going to sack him the following day.

He resigned and declared his presidential candidature later. Museveni called me and seated next to Saleh, asked me why I was fighting them. I told him that ‘I don’t want to go back to war’.

Those who want to talk to a retired officer should know that I did all these things while a serving officer. I have done even worse things before because I fought Obote when still a serving police officer.

 People fear your 1996 U-turns.

That is wolokoso. When I was still a young boy, there was a man called Mukaagwe and two other brothers at Mawogola. Each of them had one eye. I asked my father how this happened and he told me that they had killed many lions and leopards in the area.

He told me of a Runyankore saying that when you fight a leopard, you must be ready to get blind. Those who don’t want to die should not join my struggle. Mugabe spent 11 years in prison, Jomo Kenyatta seven, Mandela 27 and Gandhi countless years.

The preachings of Jesus Christ and Prophet Muhammad were understood properly after the duo’s death. Those who want change must be ready to face the risks involved. Those who don’t want change should not waste our time.

In 1996 after the judgment, Museveni forced me to re-join the army. I had two options: to either fight or apologize to Museveni. Because people were sleeping and not ready to defend themselves, I chose to apologize. A struggle that involves strategies and tactics requires proper planning.

In 1996, you put on a white kanzu [tunic] and people saw you as their liberator.

Those people in kanzu did not pay my legal fees. I was forced to go back to Museveni not because he trusted me. But people feared my position of being coordinator of intelligence services. Dictators put you in a strong position to make everybody think you are powerful.

We used to fear you as coordinator.

But I was not attending the periodical meetings (laughter) with my boss. I spent eight years as coordinator but saw Museveni only three times. My juniors used to come and tell me ‘we were at Rwakitura; we want to come and brief you’.

That is where your hatred against Kayihura and Muhoozi stems from?

That is not important; don’t divert me. They said I went to UK to spy. What capacity can take a coordinator to spy on the nkuba kyeyos who wash old people for two years? I came back here with a lot of difficulties; my father had died, I didn’t bury him.

Sorry.

I appreciate your sympathy and I thank all people who gave my father a decent burial. My sisters, my brother and my mother-in-law, mother of my wife Juliet all died.

They murdered my brother Dan Mutungi and threw him in a dam. This post-mortem did not find water in his lungs, or stomach; they found air. After strangling him, they threw him in the dam.  With all these, what do I gain by spying?

But when you returned from your UK exile, Balya escorted you up to your home.

That is government propaganda. I left Entebbe airport with one vehicle which my sister brought. A young man hired a jeep from someone in Mukono which took me to  Mawogola and journalists who came found it there. I had no soldier.

President Museveni explained to journalists that he sent Balya because he had not told anybody that I was coming back. Because he had a lot of pressure, he decided to keep my return a secret. He was in Abu Dhabi and his intelligence officers he had  sent to UK told him that I had boarded a British Airways flight coming back to Uganda.

He ordered Balya to hurry and come to the airport so that those he had not informed should not disturb me. Those speaking don’t know what is happening and what faces us. I don’t want to be a leader.

Museveni has never given me money since I came back. The person feared as a spy can’t fail to make money. I don’t want Museveni’s money. If I was a thief, I would use my position, to make money for myself, say, by going to a border post and demanding, say, Shs 10b in a day from a businessman. They don’t pay me salary; he doesn’t give me a vehicle, he does not employ me, and I am here.

If you left the army, why pay you salary?

I want my pension. People should understand that those who overstay in power like Museveni, Gaddafi, have the same formula of killing formal institutions. In politics, there is no vacuum.

If you kill a good government system, there emerges something else. The dictator’s family and a clique of friends, called oligarchies, support his overstay. I fight for myself and my children.

Your problem is now clear: you want money.

That is not my problem alone; it is for you who still think that Uganda is okay. You don’t look at countries like DR Congo, Libya, Central African Republic and Egypt. There is no strong opposition here.

I know there are things which Museveni cannot decide by himself because he no longer has capacity. The problems of overstaying in power are not only here, but even in Europe.  Now thousands of Africans are perishing in Mediterranean Sea seeking for jobs in Europe and Africans leaders and are mum about this.

When I hear people say that they cannot accept war to come back to Uganda, I laugh. War does not require permission to come; it is caused by a situation. Who gave us permission to wage one in 1981? When people get sufficiently angry, war is inevitable.

ELECTIONS

In 2016, the country is going into general elections. You claim you helped rigging the 2011 elections. Do you still stand by that?

Was that a secret? What did Supreme court say? There was rigging (laughs).

Will you put up your name for elections?

Voting is not a slogan. The foundation for voting is that it must be free and fair with good intentions; an election not intended to cause problems. What will take place in 2016 is not an election.

As your homework, find another name for it. I am not against election but what I don’t support is something else dressed in the skin of an election. You organize an election, rig it, tally the ballots yourself, declare yourself, swear yourself in and call that a free and fair election?

What massage are you delivering to party leaders you meet?

I tell them that any election outside the law is rigging. We shall not boycott them because if you do, a dictator will handpick and support parties that will legitimize it.

If you deny us true elections, we shall not allow any elections to take place, and you will not have something to rig. Alternatively, we also need to build capacity to deny elections to be rigged.

People are getting more annoyed over poverty, hatred; about 90 per cent of youths are jobless. They had started arresting youths using Obote panda gaali style. I have six albums to prove that. I am happy that after my intervention, the arresting speed has reduced. Recently, they arrested 61 girls accusing them of being commercial sex workers. Do they sell themselves in a group?

[Speaking of Buganda…] you are not seen in Buganda issues.

I tried to give Buganda federo and Ssabalangira [Besweri Mulondo] killed it. This is not a joking issue because federo would have helped cultural institutions to develop. The East African Community has failed because it has no strong foundation.

Katikkiro Peter Mayiga is bringing something new but some people only see ettoffaali; there is a foundation underneath. If people can pay money willingly, can’t they develop their kingdoms through self-help projects when granted federo? Ettoffaali to rebuild Masengere should remind Buganda to ask themselves what led Amin to begin constructing it after confiscating Bulange. When the Bulange was gutted...

By Kashilingi. 

Yes, I Sejusa while minister of state roofed it with tiles I imported from Nairobi. I am the one who signed an agreement with Roko Construction not only to roof it, but also re-design its offices.

What else should people do if they can’t participate in elections?

We need to build capacity to block rigged elections which waste taxpayers’ money if favourable electoral reforms are not made. We are poor because we have nothing to sell outside. I heard Museveni saying slavery ended 500 years back.

It is still here but only changed its colour. Instead of taking us to the Caribbean and US, we take ourselves there and those who stay behind are made to grow products which are bought in raw material form and cheaply. Agoa, which Museveni used to boast of, that guy [investor ] used to steal money by bringing Sri Lankan clothes and labeled them ‘made in Uganda’.

REPENTANT 

Surely the 30 years Museveni has been in power, he knows how past leaders left their offices. Now the opposition parties are going to get Shs [2bn], NRM is to take Shs [8bn].

I hear some saying that they should not take this money or donate their share. This money when put together is a lot and can be used to open up offices at each parish and use them to mobilize people resist elections.

You are not the first person to try to remove this government. Many like Cecelia Ogwal, Ssemogerere and Kizza Besigye have tried. By the way, do you talk with Besigye?

Yes we talk; he is my fellow combatant whom we are going to meet.  We talked with him in UK. I apologized to him for what happened. It is not me alone who built this system; he did the same things like me before he crossed to the opposition. The Bible says that when a sinner repents and does useful things, he will save his soul from dying.

Why are you moving with Hajji Nasser Sebaggala?

I have come a long way with Sebaggala.

He has his own problems.

Sebaggala’s problems are problems of Uganda. Where there is a wrong system, other people can be bad. Hajji has not done anything wrong which somebody else hasn’t done. He is not the only person to move from one party to the other. Museveni was in UPC, leave alone DP.

Has Museveni ever been in UPC?

Yes, read Eriya Kategaya’s book. In fact he was working in Obote’s office in 1971 before his first overthrow.

Where were you then?

I was a young child in school. I hear some people say that unlike Museveni forgiving me, Amin would have killed me. This is unfortunate. It means Museveni must be killing people.

Secondly comparing him with Amin is bad enough. Kajubiri, a sister to Museveni, was roommate to my sister in Mary Stuart hall when Museveni fled to Tanzania. Amin saw her. Commanders who went to the bush met our parents and relatives because Obote did not kill them.

What changes are you promising?

If you meet a lion in a vehicle, what you do is different from meeting a lion on foot. This is a struggle for survival. The fighting trend has changed. When Uganda sinks, people’s property will be destroyed, because the 30 years Museveni has stayed in power, the country has broken into pieces and what was holding it is no more and NRM has since died.

Are you an NRM member?

My power is to tell NRM that you have abrogated the Constitution.  For instance, Kony cannot now come and stand on a party ticket. We refuse him. If Museveni abrogates the presidential age limit of 75, we can deny him as Ugandans because NRM is not above the law.

Weak people will not attain the presidency. I heard people suggesting that Uganda now needs a transitional government. This can only come after fighting for it. Before you think of being president, first think of removing Museveni. I will not reveal my entire strategies here.

Please don’t.

 I won’t.

Detectives might arrest you. 

What is important is that those who don’t want to be arrested, will sink with their Uganda which is full of corruption and killings. [Four listeners call in].

Muslims from Kyengera are angry with you over refusing them to make the morning call to prayers on loud speakers.

Let them forgive me.

Your last word.

 I conclude on three issues. Besigye has played his role despite the fact that he has failed to remove Museveni. We need to add capacity on his efforts. I have no reason why I should not work with him except that my working procedure is not easily understood, because every struggle has a different package.

Secondly, I mean what I say. People tried to kill me from London streets three times and were arrested. Whoever thinks that I am in drama should be told that my children and my wife are in exile. I cook for myself. I am a bachelor with only a housemaid.

Thirdly, I thank you for hosting me at the Kabaka’s radio station because I have tried to clean up myself, because many people misunderstood me. I have made some mistakes. I thank whoever has accepted my apologies.

slubwama@observer.ug

In 1995, a new Constitution was promulgated, replacing the controversial 1967 one. The latter was passed by parliament following the overthrow of President Edward Muteesa II by his prime minister, Apollo Milton Obote, and the subsequent abrogation of the 1962 Independence Constitution.

In 2015, a section of Ugandans, including the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) and opposition political parties, feel some provisions in the 1995 Constitution have outlived their usefulness and, therefore, need change. There are also some new additions.

It took about a year for the Constitution Commission, led by Justice Benjamin Odoki, to move around the country collecting views on what kind of constitution Ugandans wanted in the new era.

I call it a new era because unlike in the past, Ugandans had never had a fair contribution in the making of their constitution. That of 1962 was a template designed by colonialists and given to the Africans/Ugandans to debate in Lancaster, United Kingdom.

The 1967 one emerged from the pigeon holes and later ended up on the floor of parliament, where the majority of the legislators, who had constituted themselves into a constituent assembly, were members of Obote’s Uganda People’s Congress. So, it was only the 1995 Constitution where independent delegates were directly elected to thenational assembly.

For the first time, women, the army, people with disabilities and youths were represented. So, after Odoki had collected these views, a draft constitution was made and was subsequently debated by the Constituent Assembly delegates (CADs) in 1994. It also took over a year to come up with the 1995 Constitution, which was promulgated on October 8, 1995.

The country is in such a bad mood; this renders meaningful discussion and debate on the constitutional amendments impossible. The members of parliament, supposed to discuss the more than 100 proposed amendments, are understandably restrained by their own selfish needs. The majority of legislators want to return to parliament.

Therefore, they are busy focusing on how to make it back to the House.  The speaker has on several occasions complained about the MPs’ absenteeism. They report, fill the attendance registers and immediately return to chase campaign money! So, there are likely to be problems of quorum, which again may result in court battles about the constitutionality of the provisions passed by parliament.

Two, the amendments are likely to face the same problems that the makers of the 1967 Constitution faced. Just like most MPs in 1967 were UPC members, today NRM has the majority.

So, the matters in the House are decided by the tyranny of numbers, and not reason. Sadly, whenever there is a bill to be debated, the NRM MPs debate it as if it is about their party, and not the country. For example, it is almost a foregone conclusion that NRM members will oppose the proposal to return presidential term limits.

Some of them are surely aggrieved by the removal of presidential term limits, but they cannot be seen to oppose what their chairman and president likes. That is fatal to them, especially the careerist politicians. So, they would rather shut up or go with their colleagues’ decision.

The other reason for opposing this proposal is selfish. To them, returning presidential term limits means the end of President Museveni. In their mind, they have never imagined any other president leading this country apart from Mr Museveni. And they are right: without Mr Museveni, many of them wouldn’t have made it into politics.

The president owns the NRM party, and without him, NRM will go the same way Kenya African National Union (Kanu) went with the end of President Daniel arap Moi.  President Moi basically dismantled the structures of Kanu; he had to dictate who the secretary general had to be and whoever disagreed with him fell off the precipice.

When he exited, the party did the same. So, the NRM MPs know that when Museveni loses the presidential seat through the compulsion of the constitutional presidential terms, their NRM will be no more. It is thus in their interest, not in the national interest, that they keep presidential terms out of the Constitution.

The debate on constitutional amendments has been focusing mainly on electoral reforms and the return of presidential term limits. The government thinks that by adding the word ‘Independent’ to the Uganda Electoral Commission, the commission will change its character and the public will stop accusing it of being partial and unprofessional. What is in the name, anyway?

As I said, the current MPs are not the right people to debate amendments. They not only don’t have the time to meaningfully discuss the amendments but we also need a new group of legislators with independent and fresh minds.

I am assuming that many of those that have been careerist MPs will not return. The ideal situation should be that a constitution is not an ordinary, but the supreme, law of the land. Therefore, it must be accorded the time and respect it deserves. We should not rush to pass a document that is farcical and would not stand the test of time.

The amendments should be put on hold. After the 2016 general elections, whoever shall be a president should appoint a Constitution Commission which should go around the country seeking people’s views on the changes in the Constitution. Those views should then be debated by parliament.

We should not rely on the view of the current MPs; history has proved that MPs don’t represent people’s views, but their own. If people are worried about President Museveni returning to power in 2016, the answer is not in the Constitution amendment, it is in denying him votes. Right now, he has the numbers in parliament and he can manipulate the amendments in his favour.

The amendments should go beyond targeting an individual. The Constitution is bigger than any one Ugandan.

pmkatunzi@observer.ug

The author is the finance director of The Observer Media Limited. 

The arrest of former Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) president, Kizza Besigye and former Prime Minister, Amama Mbabazi are a sign of panic by President Yoweri Museveni, the Democratic Alliance (TDA) a coalition of opposition parties in Uganda has said.

Addressing the media at a joint press conference in Ntinda today, TDA contends that the arrests are proof that Museveni is using security organs to block any opposition against his aspirations to stay in power.

This morning, Mbabazi was arrested in Njeru town as he headed to Mbale to hold his first consultative meeting since he announced his bid for the presidency in June.

Besigye, on the other hand, was arrested from his home, as he headed to Kasangati town to launch his presidential bid and is being held at Nagalama Police while Amama Mbabazi is at Kira road Police.

Former Vice President, Prof. Gilbert Bukenya condemned the Museveni for using the police and other security agencies to suppress dissenting voices within what he claims is a democratic state.

"You hear the president saying all those in opposition are ‘nothing’ and can’t even compete against him. Why is he scared of us who are ‘nothing’ to go out and express ourselves to the people and the people decide who wins who doesn’t.

He must know that we are not going to allow dictatorship. He must know that the people are tired of a long-stay leader who used to tell others that you have stayed for a long time, when they haven’t even stayed for ten years”

Bukenya, once a strong critic of Mbabazi after his fall out with the ruling NRM party, notes that though he still does not like him, his rights to associate should not be curtailed.

Asuman Basalirwa, the Justice Forum president, says the police has blatantly violated the Public Order Management Act by deliberately blocking the opposition from conducting rallies to meet their supporters.

“Bad as it is, it should be respected but what we are seeing is that the Public Order Management Act is being abused. Adding “even a bad law should be respected."

 

Minister of Internal Affairs Gen Aronda Nyakayirima

(2nd L, seated) poses for a group photo with board

members of the National Identification Registration

Authority during the press conference at Kololo Airstrip

on July 14, 2015.

Photo/Nancy Nanyonga

 

By Carol Kasujja

Minister of internal affairs Gen. Aronda Nyakirima has promised the country peaceful elections in 2016.

He explained that having arrested elusive wanted terror suspect Jamil Mukulu, the leader of Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), security forces now have what it takes to see that the elections are peaceful. 

He also warned social media alarmists who are spreading rumours that the country’s security is in a bad state.

“I can assure you the country is peaceful and stable. We scored when we returned Mukulu, a terrorist we have been hunting for several years; the process of identifying him was not easy but we managed, so Ugandans should not be scared,” he said.

Addressing journalists, he called upon Ugandans to pick their National Identity cards ahead of elections.

“The National Identity cards will not help you to vote but the same cards will help people to access loans from the bank without using LC letters. To those business people who travel around east Africa, they should get them because you will not need a passport to go to any east African country.”

He made these remarks Tuesday at the swearing-in ceremony of the new National Identification registration Authority Executive Director, Judy Obitre- Gama, at Kololo Airstrip in Kampala.

“I want to congratulate the new Executive director, I have worked with her before and request her to be a team player. This is a historical moment for us,” said Aronda.

Addressing journalists, Gama promised to carry on with the ongoing registration even after elections.

 

In Uganda, the offices of NRM political party offices have been burnt down in the State of Buganda:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A woman looks at burnt files at the NRM office

in Sembabule District. Supporters set the office

ablaze over allegations of election malpractices.

File photo

By Timothy Kalyegira

Posted  Sunday, October 18   2015 

 

On October 10, a convoy of vehicles carrying Opposition FDC leaders en route Rukungiri District was stopped by police, a spiked metal barrier thrown dangerously across the road to halt the oncoming cars and later a woman activist was stripped naked (the police version of events is that she undressed herself as a provocation.)

This is the typical way that has been going on since the 2001 election campaign, so it would not be surprising.

What is new is the scale of stress and bitterness coming from within the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) party.

A major fall-out followed the 2010 NRM parliamentary and races for senior party positions. Pistols were drawn at one polling station in Sembabule District, including one by the MP for Lwemiyaga, Theodore Ssekikubo.

A fortnight or so ago when I wrote about the TDA and Dr Kizza Besigye’s departure from the TDA process, I said while the NRM might gloat at the tensions within the TDA what would follow during the NRM primaries would make the TDA’s conflicts look like respectful, gentleman’s agreements.

In the Sunday Monitor of February 16, 2014 the day after the Kyankwanzi meeting, I wrote that the 2016 election would be “NRM versus NRM”.

And so, here we are. The NRM is at war with itself and it is a literal war.
The political inferno in the NRM began on September 2, when the first round of elections got underway.

Rwabwogo issue
The first shot, a relatively mild one, was the shock decision by the senior party leadership to dismiss the bid for vice chairman for western Uganda by Odrek Rwabwogo, who among other things is a son-in-law to President Museveni.
This soon faded from the news and the ugly phase began.

On September 15, NRM youth elections in Lira were marred by violence, riot police was called in, and the voting had to be stopped. The initial elections for district chairperson for Kayunga District had to be postponed after disturbances by supporters of competing NRM camps.

A week later, the Minister of State for Lands, Ms Idah Nantaba, announced she was quitting the NRM after she accused the party of rigging her out of the process.

Last week in Sembabule, angry NRM members set the NRM party office on fire. The NRM office in Isingiro was also burnt.

In Luweero District, an equally angry group took matters into their own hands and burnt the house of the winner of the district primary election.

“Protesting vote rigging and other electoral malpractices, angry NRM supporters in Masaka District urinated on party T-shirts and burnt membership cards,” reported the Daily Monitor on October 15.

We should bear in mind that the people doing all this are not FDC youth, not anti-government rebels or disgruntled “walk-to-work” activists. These are loyal NRM party members.

A guest on a Kampala radio station on October 15, practically asked listeners to pray for Bushenyi where a similar district primary is scheduled and where this guest, an NRM official, said violence is expected to flare up.

 

 

There is a breakdown of Cancer Machines all over the country of Uganda these days:

 

Posted: 17/04/2016

 

Dear Friends

 

Now that The Crocodile tears of Cancer machines has started to dry up, there is a different way critical thinkers would love to chive into this discussion, a discussion where many Ugandans have shown how they love and cry for their country. Good Lord we lost the Cancer machines and thousands are going to die due to the incompetence of Museveni government. When the government sends 400 patients, or the figure was there about, Good Lord that is not helpful, for many more are going to die in Uganda. Well there are only two issues I will raise about these very important machines that have broken down in Uganda, and everyone is sobbing after them.

a} Many Ugandans are blasting Uganda Government's failure on these machines, why is this a major concern when Uganda police shoot and kill very healthy and very innocent people on a daily basis?  Secondly, very easily preventable diseases kill children, women and the aged in Uganda every day. How many of you here are concerned about that? Are you focusing on these particular machines because you hope you can nail the government on them? If that is your aim, shame on you folks. Officials who are supposed to take care of this could care less because they can fly to any part of the world and get treated at a cost that could actually fund that machine you are talking about. Don’t you think that the energy you are using on going after these machines would have been used more profitably in going after the government that is killing health people, before you worry your selves that much about cancer, a disease you cannot even cure? And I am just asking.

And b} Since time memorial, The Museveni government has refused to invest a single penny into medical research or buying needed equipment. And the moment this cry about the cancer machine has broken down started, critical thinkers wondered how such machines went to Uganda. Well you are crying for Uganda government to fix them for they are dead today and people are dying, how the heck did those machines go to Uganda to start with? Then you realize that actually those machines went to Uganda for few Ugandans in this city that cared about Uganda collected them and shipped them into Uganda hospitals. An act many degree holders never knew, for bells are never supposed to be rang by people that are intelligent.  And the arrangement was very simple, machines will be allocated and shipped to Uganda various hospitals, but the onus is on Uganda government to service them as required. The machine arrived in Uganda and Uganda government faltered on its end of the bargain, and the Ugandans that were sending them stopped the project. For when you send a medical equipment, and it fails to be serviced to the specs, it becomes the killer its self. So the file of sending machines to the country ended, and the ministry continued to use machines that are not calibrated, until when they have started to collapse today.

 

There are two vital issues here, if Uganda government failed to buy these equipment to start with, and it failed to service them, why would anyone think that it can fix them when they break down? And is our problem today the machine that has broken down, or it is the machines all over the God damn place that have not yet broken down but are functioning without proper service? And secondly, because some of us knew the back ground  of those machines, we looked at the degree holders that are calling the very people that sent the machines to Uganda stupid and idiots, we could not help but shudder, for it is those very same degree holders screaming why these machines are not fixed. Well how can machines be vital when they were sent by fools and idiots? And that is why I decided to go after Abbey Semuwemba for he decided to place himself into the corner of misfits, that own the degrees but still  remained very useless, and very abusive to everyone especially people they do not know let alone understand their accomplishments. And in repeating myself, given the fact that Abbey Semuwemba is a forum moderator,  given the fact that he is an adult a parent and a Muganda man, he should have known waaaaaay better than that.

Thanks.