Mu mwaka 1965, Omubaka we kibiina kya KY Daudi Ocheng, yayisa ekiteeso kunsonga yokukusa zaabu we Congo namasanga g’enjovu, okubitunda munsi zebweru.
Dr Obote, nga Prime Minister, ne Minister Nekyon muganda wa Obote ne Onama Minister wa Defence bebatekebwa ko olunnwe nga bwebenyigira mulukwe luno.
Era Ocheng yaleeta ekiteeso ekirala, Colonel Amin okugira ng’awummuzibwako weeks bbiri nga Gavumenti bw’ebuuliriza.
Gwo omukago gwebyobufuzi wakati we kibiina kyo bufuzi ekya KY ne kibiina kyo bufuzi ekya UPC gwafiira ddala mu September 1964. Era 1965 gugenda okutuuka nga bangi ababaka ba UPC mu National Assembly (Parliament) bateesa kulaba nga bawera ekibiina kya Kabaka Yekka. Baakiyita kya bakyewaggula abatagoberera mateeka era abaagala okutabulatabula eddembe mu Uganda.
Abantu bangi baali bakwatiddwa era nga bali mu nkomyo na ddala e Luzira.
Obote yatekawo akakiiko kabulirize ku bya zaabu n’amasanga era abantu bangi ko baawa obujulirwa mu kakiiko ako, ebyama bingi ku kufuna n’okutunda zaabu n’amasanga ne bibikkulwa.
Naye report y’akakiiko bwe yaggwa Obote teyagifulumya! Parliement ye, Cabinet ye nabawagizi bangi aba UPC nebamuggyamu obwesige.
Yali asigazza kwesiga b’amagye bokka. Okuyimiriza Col. Amin yakigaana nakuza Amin mukifo kya Brigadier Opoloto. Mukuteesa kwa Cabinet okwaddako Obote yagenda kukwatta ba Minister be batano nabasibira e Luzira Criminal Prison.
The British Judge Allen
P J Allen and his judiciary at the time demonstrate the high quality of the judiciary at the time.
Judge Allen and Judge Manyindo presided over the trials of most of the Amin era criminals. A majority of these criminals hired the best lawyers available in Uganda at the time, which invariably was Ayigihugu. Some like Abdallah Nasur were convicted but a good number were acquitted because of lack of direct evidence. Others like Edward Mulindwa even managed to lie low for a while before escaping to foreign lands.
I hope your mate WBK does not judge those of us who participated in prosecuting these Amin era criminals as failures, in the same manner that he has judged the ICC prosecutors. Prosecutors are supposed to present the facts before the courts that can convince a court that an accused is quilty. In this, it has to work very closely with the Investigatory authorities, namely the police and law enforcement. In the case of the Amin criminals, the police did not give us enough information from their investigations that would allow a conviction to be upheld.
It was particulalrly disappointing in the case of Bob Astles in whose case, the judge found he was always around the major killings we charged him with, especially the murders of Archbishop Luwum and Minister's Erinayo Oryema and Oboth-Ofumbi, but we could not connect him directly to the killings. With advance in DNA science these days and coupled with Edward Mulindwa's recent confessions about complicity in the murders, I think a good prosecutor would today nail Edward Mulindwa without doubt. What WBK does not understand, from your debates which I have followed, is that the ICC prosecutors can only be good as the investigations put before it. The Satatute of the ICC puts a duty on Satte Authorities to cooperate with the ICC in investigating cases referred to it. if a state refuses, objects or even thwarts the invesigations, the direct result is that the Presecutors will not have serficient evidence to obtain a conviction. So Mensouda and her team have so far failed in their prosecution of Jomo Kenyatta, but this is because of the failure of GoK to cooperate in investigations. It is not because Mensouda and her team are bad lawyers as WBK keeps asserting. In fact the evidnce that they had gathered against Jomo Kenyatta was so compelling that any prosecutor would make a decision to prosecute. But faced with alkmost all key or material witnesses withdrawing or disappeared or intimidated, Mensouda had no choice but to withdraw the case.
The first important hurdle, that is the establishment of the International Criminal Court, has now been successfully overcome. States party to the Rome Treaty now have to decide ways and means by which they can strengthen the ICC's Investigatory capacity and authority, especially in cases where a suspect or accused holds or is close to power. The UN Security Council has to give the Prosecutor extra-ordinary powers to investigatewith or without the cooperation of the State concerned. Th UN must also strengthen its Witness protection programme. Lastly, the Security Council must reserve to itself power to punish leaders, like Jomo Kenyatta and Omar Bashir who refuse to cooperate with the ICC investigations. This may mean imposing travel bans, arrest warrants and other other economic sanctions against them so that they the continue to swagger around like Jomo Kenyatta whn in fact they should be locked up in prison as dangerous criminals.
Written by
George Okello
Current Ugandan political parties are just like anti-colonial movement parties of a bygone era:
Written by Professor J. B. R. Goya
Last Updated: 23 March 2015
UPC founder Milton Obote
The term movement legacy was first coined by professor emeritus, Goran Hyden in 2011, and by it I mean a pattern of political behavior that characterized anti-colonial nationalist movements in their struggles for independence.
Half a century since most countries gained independence, this form of behavior continues to shape ruling- and opposition party politics in Africa and Uganda, while frustrating the prospects for deepening democracy.
CAUSE-EFFECT
Nationalist movements in Uganda were spearheaded by three main sections: World War II veterans, a small not so well-educated elite class of clerical workers, and leaders of a nascent civil society. These groups were united by a single but multi-faceted cause, namely to vanquish the colonial masters and take charge of the state apparatus.
Other than this mission, these groups remained committed to their particular identities. The issues were varied and subordinate to the cause. The anti-colonial movements adopted a simple but important strategy of popular mobilization for the cause. It was rare and in most cases illegal to campaign.
Most notably the movement against the British took place at the level of society because there were no representative bodies such as parliaments or legislative councils until much later in the struggle. Membership to these movements was rather diffuse and fluid, but because there was a single movement, this was not detrimental to its dynamic and operation.
ETTAMBIRO
LY'AMUKABYA AWO E KYEBANDO OKULIRAANA E KKANISA YA BAHAI E KANYANYA.
KABAKA ATYA OKUMUJJA KU BWAKABAKA
BAMUTEGEE
ZA NTI ABAZUNGU OBWAKABAKA BABUWA N'ABAKAZI.
ABAYIMBI KYEBAVA BAYIMBA NTI:
EKIMAZE EMBUZI E KYEBANDO, SSALAMBWA LY'EWAMALA.
BULI EVAAYO LIBOJJA MU BBWA.
EKIMAZE EMBUZI EZ'EKISIBO,
SSALAMBWA LY'EWAMALA,
BULI EVAAYO LIBOJJA MU BBWA.
EBYAFAAYO 1927
Abasoga nabo baaweereza entungo ensekule eri Kattikiro Apollo Kaggwa agende e Bungereza okuloopa Gavana Sir Frederick Crowford olwokumuwummuza.
Ekyakabi olwatuuka e Nairobi entungo ne bagibba. Era nalwala nanyo. Eyo gye yafiira nga 14/02/1927. Yaleetebwa n'aziikibwa e Mannyangwa nga 21/02/1927. Omuyimbi kwekuyimba bwati:
Okumanya ng'Abakyukuyu babbi, Kawalya baamubbako akatwalo k'entungo. Ab'eBusoga baamuweereza nsekule, Ate Kawalya yali musiru bambi, Anti entungo yagikubamu ejjiiko,
Yalaama nti we balinziika balimangawo entungo, Abaana gye banaalyanga, Nga bazze okulima NNUMETE KAMWA!
The Electoral and constitutional reforms in Uganda:
By Stephen Kafeero
Posted Wednesday, February 18 2015
KAMPALA, UGANDA.
The Electoral and constitutional reform activists have warned they will occupy Parliament if by the end of March 2015, MPs and government continue to ignore the Citizen’s Compact.
The compact contains a set of reforms aimed at ensuring a credible election in 2016.
Mr Godber Tumushabe, the head of the consultation secretariat of the Citizens Coalition for Free and Fair Elections, said the failure by MPs to take the reforms process seriously will compel them to move on the House.
“We have looked at the potential triggers because we are not anarchists. MPs have to invite us by their actions. We must also create a credible threat for these MPs and the President to know that if we are ignored, something big will happen,” Mr Tumushabe said on Monday.
According to their plan, the activists’ campaign will be triggered by MPs if they ignore the issues contained in the compact; if Parliament and the Executive delay in tabling and discussing the reforms and if Parliament reduces the debate on reforms to token issues.
However, Prime Minister Ruhakana Rugunda on Monday told Daily Monitor that there should be no cause for worry because government is at the forefront of pushing for reforms.
“Government is spearheading the reforms process. We shall come out with a comprehensive position and that is why government has not commented on specific reforms because we are consulting the various stakeholders.”
Key reforms proposed
• President’s tenure should be restored to two five-year terms.
• Size of Parliament should be reduced in line with modest resources of the State.
• New independent and impartial electoral commission must be established.
• New verifiable register of all voters, which should include eligible Ugandans in the diaspora, must be compiled.
• Voting for LC3, LC5, Parliament and President should be conducted on one day.
• Military should have no involvement whatsoever in the electoral process.
• President should relinquish command of the armed forces to the Joint Chiefs, and must not serve as chairman of UDPF High Command during elections.
• Workers should be removed from special interest group representation since issues of workers can be represented by all MPs.
• Army representatives should be removed from Parliament.
• The National Institute for Political Education at Kyankwanzi should be abolished and replaced by a National Institute for Administration under an independent Board of Directors.
• Cabinet ministers should not be MPs.
• The office of the Resident District Commissioner should be abolished.
In Uganda many MPs who backed age limit Bill seem to have lost their seats in this just finished national election:
25 January, 2021
By Misairi Thembo Kahungu, Patience Ahimbisibwe & Damalie Mukhaye
More than half of Members of Parliament (MPs), who voted for removal of the presidential age limit from the Constitution on December 20, 2017, will not be part of the new Parliament in May after they lost in the January 14 elections, Daily Monitor has established.
Of the 433 elected MPs that were in the House by 2017, 379 voted on the controversial motion that sought the removal of presidential age limit from the Constitution, which paved way for President Museveni, 76, to run in the January 14 elections, which he won.
The amended clause barred anyone aged above 75 or below 35 from contesting for president. It was removed following a motion for amendment tabled by Igara West MP Raphael Magyezi. According to the Hansard of December 20, 2017, 315 MPs voted in favour of removing the age limit motion, 62 voted against it while two abstained.
In our analysis of the list of newly elected MPs in comparison to the record on the Hansard, at least 169 of MPs who voted for the removal of age limit lost the January 14 election. Another 13, who include 10 army representatives in Parliament and three MPs for People with Disability (PWDs), had not yet been subjected to re-election by the time of filing this story.
A further analysis of the data indicates that eight of the 315 MPs who voted for age limit removal did not run for re-election. They include motion mover Magyezi who is the current minister for Local Government. Others are ministers Sam Kutesa (Foreign Affairs), Wilson Muruli Mukasa (Public Service) and Godfrey Kiwanda Suubi (State for Tourism).
Rigging of election has become normal as a fall out from what these members of parliament did:
Much of the public in Uganda knows what is actually going on during the national election in this country. They can make a joke of it these days.
Two other MPs who voted for the age limit removal died before the election. They are Ibrahim Abiriga (Arua Municipality) and Rehema Wetongola (Kamuli Municipality). In another case, Mr Lawrence Akugizibwe of Mwenge North will have to wait a bit longer for his fate after the Electoral Commission postponed elections in his constituency following a mismatch of names of candidates on the ballot paper.
With a big number of ministers not returning to Parliament, the list accompanying this story includes MPs who lost in the September primary elections and those who failed to win the just concluded General Election.
Voted against Kasese District Woman MP Winfred Kiiza is the only one of the 62 MPs, who voted against the removal of age limit who did not seek re-election. She was Leader of the Opposition at the time of the age limit debate and vote. Ms Kiiza has represented Kasese for three terms.
With six MPs suspended, two in hospital after previously being beaten severely by soldiers who raided Parliament, and others opting to stay away on the day of voting on the motion, there were 30 opposition members who participated in the vote. One of them, Ms Betty Amongi (Oyam South) of Uganda People’s Congress (UPC), voted in favour of the motion in what was seen as saving her ministerial position.
Among those who voted against the motion were 29 opposition MPs, 13 independents and 20 members of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM).
Eleven of the 29 opposition MPs also lost the January election while 15 won and another-Robinah Ssentongo (Kyotera Woman MP) - died before the poll.
Independents Nine of the 13 Independent candidates who voted against the age limit motion lost elections whereas five of the 20 NRM members who took the same side also lost the election. In August last year, 16 of the 20 NRM dissenters were allowed to participate in the party’s primary elections after apologising to the party national chairperson, President Museveni.
However, Mr James Acidiri of Maracha East, who opted to run as an Independent, lost the election while Mr John Baptist Nambeshe (Manjiya), Mr Patrick Nsamba (Kassanda North) and Mr Kalwanga Lukyamuzi (Busunju), who instead swapped NRM for the new National Unity Platform (NUP), have been re-elected.
Meanwhile, Mr Stephen Mukitale (Buliisa), one of the two MPs who abstained during the vote on age limit motion has not been re-elected, while his counterpart Mr Pius Wakabi (Bugahya County) was elected for the second term unopposed.
Mr Nsamba, who recently won a second term as MP for Kassanda North, told Daily Monitor that much as he took a stand to quit NRM for NUP after voting against removal of the age limit, effective representation is key.
Much as he was rewarded with a Cabinet position for tabling the controversial age limit Bill, Mr Magyezi surprised the country when he announced he would not seek re-election in Igara West.
On why he didn’t stand again, the minister: “My people still needed me. They requested me to come back. But it’s always good to give chance to others. There is no doubt I will come back. I need to concentrate on personal things..”
If power belongs to the people of Uganda, then why are MPs silent on a law concerning their electorate, to be able to recall them?
27 November, 2017
Written by Pius Muteekani Katunzi
Mr Pius Muteekani Katunzi
Have you noticed that the Constitution has become a National Resistance Movement (NRM) constitution at best and its policy paper at worst!
Whichever article disagrees with the whims of some NRM leaders or what their manifesto says, then the caucus sits and resolves to amend the document (article).
In 2005, the NRM reasoned that a vulnerable country like Uganda with ‘fragile democracy’ should not lose a resourceful leader in President Museveni just because the Constitution says so. So, two-term limits were removed amidst allegations of bribery.
One of the promoters of this point was former Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi. During the 2016 televised presidential debate, Mbabazi was asked whether there was one thing he regretted not having done while in power.
He said he regretted having failed to fight dictatorship when he had a chance. Whatever that meant! But I can hazard an interpretation to that. Perhaps one of the things that has entrenched dictatorship is the ease with which the Constitution has been played with in the interest of one person.
Igara West MP Raphael Magyezi and other MPs in support of amending article 102(b) say that the removal of presidential age limits will give Museveni time to deliver Uganda to the middle-income status.
But the Constitution is not supposed to work for the whims of leaders. Leaders must work in accordance with the Constitution. It can be safely said that now the Uganda Constitution has been turned into a wobbly law, which must be amended whenever the NRM has a change of mind or whenever their interests are restrained by the provisions therein.
In 2014, the NRM changed their constitution and gave unfettered powers to President Museveni, their party chairman, to appoint and disappoint top party leaders. Formerly, these were elective positions.
I would not be surprised if, after amending article 102(b) in favour of NRM wishes, article 113 and 142(1) are amended too. Article 113 (1) requires the president to nominate persons qualified to be elected as MPs to cabinet, with the approval of parliament.
There is a parliamentary appointments committee, which vets ministerial nominees and other public officials such as judges. However, this committee has never had the verve to do its work right.
In the present cabinet, there are persons who clearly never qualified to be ministers but were approved by this committee, most of whose members belong to NRM.
So, I wouldn’t be surprised if a proposal was tabled to get rid of parliamentary approvals altogether. Article 142 (1), which requires the president to appoint judicial officers such as the chief justice, deputy chief justice, principal judges, justices and judges on the advice of the Judicial Service Commission (JSC) and with approval of parliament, may also be dispensed with.
Remember that when former Chief Justice Benjamin Odoki retired, the president wanted him to serve for two more years until the Constitutional court in the Gerald Karuhanga v Attorney General case ruled otherwise.
The president has always argued that Uganda needs to harness its rare human resource. This time, the proponents may argue that they need to do this in order to equip court with cadre judges who many not make judgments that frustrate the NRM manifesto! This is as ridiculous as it can get!
The vigour with which the Constitution is diluted and its sanctity frowned upon reminds me of a story told by a prominent legal mind.
He once told me that when you invite people for a party and serve them all tribes of alcohol, there are times when the instinct of care for the aftereffects of the party arises. And usually, as a good host, there are times when you see that your guests need to be advised to reduce on the consumption of alcohol and, instead, take some water to curb dehydration and resultant hangovers.
But if you try to stop them instantly, no one would agree with you, and you might even be insulted for being a stingy host.
It appears some NRM politicians feasting on the national cake and sponsoring all these manners of constitutional amendments are like those guests who drink and can’t brook any advice of restraint on their intake. They don’t care about the possible discomfort of a hangover when the party is done.
The pro-amendment MPs have chosen to enjoy the moment and care less about the future. Strangely, these MPs that claim to care a lot about the power of the people in the democratic governance of this country have been very protective of their turf.
For instance, article 84(1) and (7) became inoperative the moment Uganda adopted multiparty democracy. This article gave a right to the electorate to recall their representatives before the expiry of their term of office on such grounds as misconduct, ridicule, deserting the electorate without reasonable cause, among others.
But article 84(7) provides that the right to recall a member of parliament shall only exist while the Movement political system is in operation. There are no prizes for guessing why this article has not been amended to return the power to the people to recall the MPs.
The author is the business development director at The Observer Media Limited.
Akakiiko k'ebyokulonda wano e Uganda kamaliride okugenda mumaaso nebyokulonda bya bakulembeze bomubyalo enfuga ya NRM gyeyaleeta(LC1) mukufuga kwa Uganda eyefuga:
Bya Muwanga Kakooza
Added 2nd March 2017
Simon Byabakama akulira ebyokulonda eyakalondebwa kumulimu gwokulonda mu Uganda yonna.
Abakungu b'akakiiko bagambye nti baawereza gavumenti bajeti yabwe ya buwumbi 16 okutegeka okulonda kuno era kalinze ssente kagende maaso n'entegeka zaako era abantu bonna abaaneetaba mu kulonda kuno kabebe ''banene'' nga nabo (ab'akakiiko) mwe bali bajja kusimba mu migongo.
Ssentebe w'akakiiko kano, Simon Byabakama abadde n'abakungu b'akakiiko abawerako bino babitegeezezza mu lukung'ana lwa bannamawulire ku kitebe kyabwe.
Kino kiddiridde abantu bangi okukaayana nti okulonda kw'okusimba mu migongo kusikuula fitina era abamu ne batiisa obutakwetabaamu.
Babadde babayise okwogera ku nteekateeka z'okuddamu okulonda kw'e Moroto, Kamuli Municipality ne Aruu North.
E Moroto, eyali omubaka Annie Logiel yafa ng'okuddamu okulonda kwa April 26 ,2017 . Okubasunsula kwa April 6 ne 7 ,2017.
E Kamuli akakiiko kategeezezza nti kajja kulangirira entegeka z'okuddamu okulonda oluvannyuma lw'abadde akiikirirayo, Rehema Watongola okuwandulwamu lwa butaba na buyigirize.
Byabakama agambye nti ku lunaku lw'okusunsula abagenda okuvuganya e Kamuli bajja kusunsula yenna anajja n'ebisaanizo, Watongola ne bw'anaaba akomyewo bajja kuddamu balabe oba abirina.
Watongola yazzeeyo n'akola Ssiniya ey'omukaaga omwaka oguwedde era agamba nti ebiwandiiko abirina.
Nb
Kilabika abakulembeze bebyalo bakulondebwa kifuba na migo, nambukuuli, nabivumo nebilala byonna. Yo Police erina kwongezebwa abaserikali nga 5 buli kyalo. Onenya otya omulonzi atagendeyo oba anagendayo neyelwanako olwa rights ze ezokulonda abamukulembera wano mubyalo bya Africa.
The Opposition in Uganda is waking up to the realities of a credible process of Democracy in the country:
MONDAY DECEMBER 5 2016
Leader of Opposition, Ms Winnie Kiiza and Kalungu West MP Joseph Ssewungu addressing journalists at parliament on Monday.
According to the Leader of Opposition, Ms Winnie Kiiza, the ongoing vetting is illegal. “Our boycott is not a mere waste of time. We are representing our people. Let the people of Uganda know that President Museveni is a liar. He appointed a commission that is in his favour,” said Ms Kiiza.
President Museveni last month appointed a new EC team headed by Justice Simon Byabakama ending speculation on who would replace the Dr Badru Kiggundu led one.
The other appointees include Hajjat Aisha Lubega (vice chairperson) and commissioners Peter Emorut, Steven Tashobya, Prof George Piwang and Mustapha Ssebaggala Kigozi. The new appointees, if approved by the appointments committee of parliament, will join Ms Justin A. Mugabi whose tenure at EC is yet to expire.
Commenting on the appointment of the new EC team, former presidential candidate Dr Kizza Besigye last month said under the current system, the “new” EC like other institutions “can only service the dictator”. “I have been seeing the debate about the Electoral Commission whether these are good commissioners or not. It is an irrelevant debate,” he said. He urged Ugandans not to be excited about the leadership at the electoral body but focus on electoral reforms. “It doesn’t matter, they will all be some form of Kiggundus regardless of whether they have big or small eyes,” he said.
But then the majority NRM Parliament has approved the new EC amid protests:
By Nicholas Wassajja
Added 5th December 2016
PIC: Newly appointed Electoral Commission chairperson Justice Simon Mugenyi Byabakama at Parliament on Monday. (Credit: Maria Wamala)
KAMPALA - As the vetting of the newly appointed Electoral Commission was under way in one side of the parliament building on Monday, the Leader of Opposition in parliament Winnie Kiiza alongside Democratic Party chief whip Joseph Ssewungu were holding a news conference to dissociate themselves from the process.
The duo, who are also members of the committee, reasoned that the move was intended to deny the process legitimacy until President Yoweri Museveni meets his end of the deal to meet other members of the Interparty Organization for Dialogue (IPOD) to among others discuss possibilities of having political and electoral reforms.
"IPOD agreed with Museveni that a meeting will be convened by the Prime Minister Ruhakana Rugunda to discuss how the Electoral Commission is selected," said Kiiza.
"Therefore we can't be part of the group announcing a new team before this discussion is held," she told reporters.
Kabaka Mutebi’s reign: It is a Kingship in Buganda ‘without Authority’ in a Uganda Republic enacted by Obote:
Posted October 2nd 2016
Kabaka Mutebi drums at his coronation anniversary in Bulange, Mengo.
In Summary
Final episode.
Buganda leaders say the Constitution does not indicate the scope of the Kabaka’s authority
When they were bargaining for the restoration of the kingdom, they fronted ekitiibwa (glory) and not authority.
By Gillian Nantume
Since the late 19th Century, almost every Kabaka has faced unique challenges. It would seem there has never been a comfortable fit for Buganda within the protectorate or the republic.
In 1843, Ssekabaka Ssuna II donated his favourite wife, Gwokyalya, to the Sultan of Zanzibar after she embarrassed him by publically acclaiming the good looks of his Arab visitors. In 1876, Ssekabaka Muteesa I slaughtered Muslim converts after they rejected him as their Mufti. In 1886, Ssekabaka Mwanga II rebelled against the British, executing Christian converts.
By the time Ssekabaka Daudi Chwa II was crowned, the absolute authority of the kabakas was a thing of the past. It was in his son’s reign that the kingdom was abolished.
Kingship without authority Joash Mayanja-Nkangi, who was Katikkiro (Buganda prime minister) in 1966, believes Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi’s greatest challenge is a kingship without authority.
“In the 1962 Constitution, Mengo was mandated to have seven ministries. The Lukiiko (parliament) was legally constituted. We made laws that governed everyone in Buganda. We could institute penalties because we had our own courts. We even collected taxes. Now, the Constitution says the institution of the Kabaka was restored, but what exactly was restored?” he asks.
Rhetorically, Mayanja-Nkangi asks if the restored institution was modelled on the absolute power of Muteesa I or the federation of Muteesa II, wondering why no lawyer has petitioned the Constitutional Court for an interpretation.
“Without legal authority, the kabakaship is living off empisa y’ensi (people’s goodwill) where Baganda make financial contributions out of their tremendous love for the Kabaka, not because the law compels them to do so,” he says.
He argues that Mengo should have petitioned the Constitutional Court, although “When you are in Mengo you have to be very careful. If the central government returned a tip of the iceberg, they can remove it. You must understand their reluctance to pursue the issue”. Omutaka Kibaale Daniel Nanziri Nadduli shares Mayanja-Nkangi’s misgivings, saying right from the 1900 Agreement the Kabaka has been isolated.
“The Constitution does not indicate the scope of the Kabaka’s authority. They left him with only ekitiibwa (glory). It is true that when we were bargaining for the restoration, we fronted ekitiibwa. It is not easy to convince a military government to restore a king. We could not bargain for authority when there was no kingship first,” Kibaale says.
He blames Baganda in the Constituent Assembly (CA) for failing Buganda. In 1995, on the floor of Parliament, Ssabalangira Besweri Mulondo dealt a blow to Buganda’s hopes of attaining power and federalism.
The extent of the damage became evident in 2010 when then Katikkiro John Baptist Walusimbi was denied entry into Kayunga where he had gone to prepare for the Kabaka’s visit to mark Buganda Youth Day.
Many died in the ensuing violence, and without authority, Buganda can only hope the situation does not reoccur.
The Federo question Two years after the restoration, Buganda came close to attaining its pre-1966 federal status. When the issue was put to a vote in the CA, Buganda’s delegates failed to make the 51 number needed to win the day.
Besides attaining power, the demand for federo was premised on the fact that while the government took care of providing security, the developmental issues in the local communities would be seen to by the kingdom.
Mr Noah Kiyimba, the information minister and spokesman of Buganda Kingdom, agrees that federo has been a challenge to the Kabaka.
Dr Besigye and his wife Mrs Byanyima are going to get NRM jubilee medals, just after a rigged National Election in the country of Uganda:
Opposition leader Dr Kizza Besigye and his wife Winnie Byanyima are among the current and former legislators to be awarded the Golden Jubilee medal later this month
Opposition leader Dr Kizza Besigye and his wife Winnie Byanyima are among the current and former legislators to be awarded the Golden Jubilee medal later this month. Both former legislators feature on the awardees list published by parliament.
“The Speaker of Parliament in conjunction with the Presidential Awards Committee have organised the Golden Jubilee Awards Ceremony for Members of Parliament who have served in the different legislatures from the time of Uganda’s independence,” a parliament statement reads. The awards will according to the House statement, be given in “recognition to their service to the nation”.
Ms Byanyima, is the former Mbarara Municipality MP while Dr Besigye was both a member of the National Resistance Council (NRC) and the Constituent Assembly(CA) which preceded the current House.
It is not clear whether the couple which is currently out of the country will attend the September 26 awards ceremony, at the Kampala Serena Hotel. President Museveni usually presides and decorates the recipients.
Ms Byanyima was in 2010 among a group that was awarded the Nalubaale and Rwenzori medals. Nalubaale is awarded to civilians while Rwenzori is awarded to military personnel.
Although he actively participated in the 1981-86 NRA/NRM liberation struggle, as among others President Museveni’s personal physician, Dr Besigye has never been awarded any medal while his contemporaries have picked many.
In 2001, Mr Museveni said his now four time challenger would be awarded a medal for his participation in the liberation struggle. Mr Museveni was speaking after the 2001 presidential elections in which Dr Besigye had challenged him for the first time.
In 2013, Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) party president Mugisha Muntu was one of the 96 people who were awarded the 50th independence golden jubilee medals alongside President Museveni’s son and Special Forces Commander, Muhoozi Kainerugaba. Mr Muntu did not attend the awards ceremony. FDC has in the past objected to the rationale used to award the medals.
The 2016 national election the President of Uganda has just won is indeed a military coup. His General Mr Sejusa has pronounced.
Written by Siraje Lubwama
Created: 06 April 2016
Gen David Sejusa
‘I warned Besigye on this planned coup but he doubted me’
Out of jail, Gen David Sejusa has said President Museveni’s re-election and the Supreme court’s unanimous decision to uphold it was a grand coup d’état that robbed Dr Kizza Besigye of a deserved victory.
The Electoral Commission (EC) declared President Museveni winner of the February 18 presidential elections with over 5 million votes (representing 60.75 percent) followed by Besigye with 3.3 million votes (35.37%) and AmamaMbabazi with (1.4%).
Both Besigye and Mbabazi disputed the results. Mbabazi later unsuccessfully challenged the election results in the Supreme court, which unanimously ruled that President Museveni was validly elected.
Sejusa, who was released on bail last week by the High court, made a stinging attack yesterday on the entire management of the electoral process. He was at the High court for the hearing of his case in which he is urging court to declare him ‘constructively discharged’ from the army.
The case was adjourned to Wednesday by judge Margaret Oguli.
“Kizza Besigye was not defeated; he won the election and his votes were not only stolen; this was a coup, which was qualified by the Supreme court’s nine justices whose panel was appointed towards the elections as an election tool to purposely make a unanimous favourable solicited decision,” Sejusa said. “I remember warning Besigye on this planned coup but like other Ugandans, he doubted me.”
Sejusa also claimed that the EC, led by Dr Badru Kiggundu, followed tailormade tactics like delivering electoral materials late in the most populous areas believed to be supporting the opposition.
He said there was total abrogation of the Constitution and the electoral laws ‘by willing thieving parties’ before, during, and after elections in areas where the opposition had popular support, which included intimidating and arresting agents of the opposition candidates.
“How can you deliberately deny people in the most populous opposition districts of Kampala and Wakiso to vote, knowing there are about three million voters here alone? How can you declare a winner of the presidential election when 1.8 million voters’ results have not been submitted yet those results were nearer [in Kampala] than those from say Karamoja, where the incumbent had more support,” Sejusa said.
On February 20 when Kiggundu declared the Museveni winner, about 1.8 million votes had not been tallied. Kiggundu justified his action by saying that even if the first runner-up (Besigye) had swept all the untallied votes, President Museveni would still have won with more than 50 percent plus one vote, which is the constitutional majority required for anyone to win a presidential election.
Sejusa, however, said that declaring Museveni winner before the 1.8 million votes were tallied substantially affected Besigye’s final tally. He also harshly criticized the judges for being allegedly biased.
“As if defending the respondents, the Chief Justice Bart Katureebe Magunda was heard and seen asking the petitioner’s lawyers the source of the few hard copies of the results declarations forms they had, even a blind person could see this bias,” Sejusa added.
He said that had the results of Kampala, Mpigi, Jinja and Wakiso and Mbale been tallied in time and ballot stuffing and other forms of rigging were not carried out, Museveni’s percentage would have been below 60 and that of Besigye would have been above 35.
Sejusa, who is still battling suspended charges in the General Court Martial (GCM) relating to his involvement in political activity in the last election cycle, said even results of a school election for a prefect cannot be declared using partial elections.
“This cannot be described as rigging but a coup. NRM people, plus the electoral body stole until they could steal no more because the victory was so huge that is the reason the 1.8m votes were tabulated after declaring Museveni the winner,” Sejusa added.
He said though he was in prison, he was following the elections keenly by reading newspapers and other sources.
“Besigye realized this coup too late yet I had forewarned him and some opposition members about all the tricks they [NRM will] use. After making what they referred to as the brief judgment, most justices at the Supreme court were even shy to leave their chambers; this was the very reason Katureebe had to leave in an incognito way claiming he was going for burial,” a seemingly angry Sejusa said.
MEDICAL CHECKUP
Sejusa also revealed he is going for medical checkup abroad. If he does, this will be the second time he is traveling abroad since March 2013, when he fled to the United Kingdom, where he stayed for a year in self-imposed exile.
Sejusa left the country after authoring a controversial dossier in which he asked the internal security organization (Iso) director to investigate an alleged plot to eliminate some army and government officials who were opposed to a potential presidency of first son Brig Muhoozi Kainerugaba.
Asked whether he has any health problem, Sejusa said he wants to be sure of his health after prison.
“When I come back, I will sensitize Ugandans that it is important to carry out periodical medical checkups and this checkup becomes a must when you come from a prison in an African country,” he said.
Asked whether he was fleeing again, a beaming Sejusa said there was no need because he returned the last time round in 2014 well aware of the risks.
“Don’t even forget that when they came to arrest me early this year from my residence, I knew about the arrest hours before. When they released me last week, I was free to flee. I just wanted to inform the trial court today that I am going for medical checkup, otherwise I would have escaped because I have my passport with me, I don’t need anybody’s permission to travel,” he said.
In Uganda the Opposition leader has been arrested as police seal off their offices:
Written by URN
Created: 19 February 2016
Police has arrested FDC presidential candidate Kizza Besigye, chairman Gen Mugisha Muntu and Ingrid Turinawe from Forum for Democratic Change supporters from their party headquarters in Najjanankumbi.
Police also fired teargas and bullets to disperse angry party supporters who have engaged it in running battles. One of the newly-acquired helicopters was also seen hovering over FDC offices.
Besigye’s arrest today is the the fourth in as many days having already been arrested twice on Tuesday when police blocked him from campaigning in Kampala Central Business District (CBD). Yesterday he was again arrested and driven home after he and some FDC officials Naguru stormed a house in Naguru they purported to be a centre of vote rigging.
The latest clashes between police and FDC started after the FDC top leadership announced plans to address a press conference about the ongoing vote tallying exercise. They also announced that they have their own parallel election results tally centre and will be releasing their own results.
As a result, police rushed to deploy at the FDC party headquarter and started dispersing the party members leading to confrontations. The FDC party members told the officers they didn't have a right to disperse them since they were in the compound of their party offices.
Shortly after, Andrew Felix Kaweesi, the Police Director Human Resource Development stormed FDC offices and went into a closed door meeting with senior party officials led by their chairperson, Wasswa Birigwa.
FDC offices surrounded by police
The other members included Ingrid Turinawe, the FDC national mobilisation secretary and president, Gen Mugisha Muntu. A few minutes later, Kaweesi emerged from the FDC headquarters but declined to speak to the media on the purpose of his visit.
Lawrence Rokani, who claimed to be an FDC party official told journalists later, that they had called the presser to announce provision results from their tally center for Central Region.
According to Rokani, the provisional results from their tally center put Besigye, the FDC presidential candidate in the lead in Central Uganda. He also claimed that they are aware about the ongoing plans to alter the poll results.
We couldn't speak to any senior party officials to collaborate Rokani's claims as they were locked up in a meeting. While announcing the latest provisional results Electoral Chairman Badru Kiggundu warned of repercussions to those intending to announce results from parallel tally centres.
Meanwhile presidential candidate Amama Mbabazi's home in Kololo has also been sealed off by police. The reasons are not yet known.
THIS IS A PRIVATE LETTER FROM A SENIOR CRIME PREVENTER IN UGANDA AS THE ELECTION GETS NEAR:
28 January, 2016
My true story. I have chosen to write this after General Kayihura's assurance that he will equip crime preventers with rifles! This is dangerous but it shouldn't scare peace lovers and pro-change activists. Crime prevention programme started in Makerere University with 400 plus students although the papers reported 700 students (that was inaccurate). I was among the 400 and we were given self defence skills and military drills for a whole week. We were passed out by Kayihura himself who proposed that we start having those training from Kabalye police training school located in Masindi. This was effected, the next training was in Masindi but we were mixed with students from other Universities. This also took us a whole week and we were trained to use a rifle, to myself that's no longer a problem. We were passed out by Gen. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, it was this time that a proposal came out through a student (but staged by Kayihura) that the government adopts this program up to the sub-county level. From that time different trainings have been taking place in Kabalye for graduates and it takes a month per-in-take.
WORD TO THE PRO-CHANGE FAMILIES:
Don't be scared, if crime preventers get rifles we shall
get them also because almost 70% of the crime preventers are pro-change and ready to face the Ugandan Long Serving Tyrant. What Kayihura didn't know that this programme has been dominated by Opposition Youths. This started right from Makerere because we new that in the course of fighting a dictator, we shall need these skills and our Opposition Leaders don't have the capacity to provide them.
IN CONCLUSION Kayihura is going to give us guns and we hope to fight his Master. In other words, The Ugandan Inspector General of the Police Force, (IGP) is blindly planning M7's downfall
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