The Military Police in Uganda is still busy blocking Dr Besigye 9 months after  the Uganda General elections:

Dr Besigye using a Boda Boda  motorcycle as a get away from the determined Military Police of Uganda.  He has been stopped from using his car.


By Serestino Tusingwire,

 

21 November, 2016


The former Forum for Democratic Change presidential Candidate, Dr. Kizza Besigye has been seen in another rare moment this afternoon when he too walked for some distance before getting a boda boda which he used to travel to town for a meeting.

It is alleged that Police blocked his car as he was trying to leave his home in Kasangati for a certain meeting in Kampala, and this prompted him to abandon the car and use his feet leaving the empty car in the hands of police.

 

Government printer lies neglected. The old colonial building  is in ruins at Entebbe as street publishers flourish:

Here is Joseph Kaggwa, the production manager at the Uganda Printing and Publishing Corporation.

 

The printing press is covered in dust, a clear sign that the machine has not been used in a long time. Kaggwa blames the flourishing street publishers for knocking UPPC out of business.

 

By Paul Tajuba

 

Posted  Monday, March 9  2015

 

Uganda Printing and Publishing Corporation (UPPC) is stationed at Entebbe.

The Entebbe based government publishing house has no business running and the dust baked machines have become a place of abode for cockroaches and ants.

The wooden doors have seen better days as they have now become food for termites.

These are features that stand out when you go to UPPC. When the publishing house gets some business, the staff there works tirelessly to ensure that the out of use machines do not disappoint.

Back in the day

The Government Printer, as it was called before it became UPPC in 1993, had its glorious days though mainly during the colonial days, Obote and Amin regimes.

At the time, the agency was authorised to disseminate information to different government departments and ministries. Through this avenue, duplications and forgeries were minimised.

The printer also dealt in the printing and publishing of newspapers both in English and local languages, the Uganda Gazette, land titles, scholastic materials and envelopes.

Those who worked at the corporation during the golden days have a message of dire straits - asking government to intervene.

How things got out of hand

Joseph Kaggwa-Mubuya, the UPPC production manager has worked at the corporation for nearly 30 years. He says the troubles of the printer started in 1993 when the agency was turned into a corporation but was never given funding.

According to the 1992 UPPC Act, government is mandated to give UPPC money for its operations but the Act is silent on how much government should submit.

Subsequently, UPPC, though under the office for Presidency, has never received money that could have been used to purchase modern printing machines.

Actually, the “newest” machine at the agency was imported in 1991.

In the 1990s when liberalisation of the economy was at its peak, the printing school at the agency collapsed.

“You cannot trace the history of printing in Uganda from UPPC. It used to be the skills centre where even staff would go abroad to enhance their skills but that is gone,” Kaggwa –Mubuya sadly states.

Gud Mbareba, the printing finishing superviser at the agency says the final blow that UPPC got was in 1996 when there was massive staff retrenchment.

He says, “some of the most experienced people were laid off thus the school had to collapse.”

Rebirth

Some of the axed staff found solace at Nasser Road and it was not long before the groupo had established a printing and publishing empire at the strategically located area.

“All those who first owned printers on Nasser Road are former employees of UPPC because they had the expertise and money to buy modern machines. Now UPPC can’t compete with them” Mbareba says.

While Nasser Road is booming with publishing work, at UPPC silence reigns supreme with the machines lying idle.

 

 

 

Government asks for an extra Shs800 billion: 

Mr Matia Kasaija

 

By Yasiin Mugerwa

 

Posted  Monday, 9 March, 2015 

 

IN SUMMARY

In the supplementary request, government would, for instance, spend Shs3 billion on workshops and seminars alone and another Shs4.1 billion on travel expenses.

 

Uganda Parliament-Wasteful budget requests such as special meals, welfare, workshops, foreign trips and allowances as highlighted in the new government supplementary request have kicked off a fuss in a new budget dispute over the request for an extra Shs800 billion the government urgently needs to cater for “unforeseen emergencies”.

The new request, if approved by Parliament, will increase the 2014/2015 budget from Shs15 trillion to about Shs16 trillion amid complaints that the money is going into consumptive areas.

In the supplementary request, government would, for instance, spend Shs3 billion on workshops and seminars alone and another Shs4.1 billion on travel expenses.

Opposition members have, however, criticised the latest cash request as “a political supplementary request” intended to help the ruling party raise cash to finance its campaigns.

“This supplementary request is suspect. What has been paraded as money for travel abroad, workshops and seminars could be money for campaigns,” said Mr Gerald Karuhanga (Youth Western).

The Budget Committee is expected to convene later this week to start scrutinising Mr Matia Kasaija’s maiden cash request as Finance minister designate.

The rising figures

Even before his swearing-in, Mr Kasaija last week requested for Shs847.2b up from the Shs237 billion requested in 2013/14 financial year.

As a rule, supplementary budgets should be a result of unforeseen actions such as natural disasters. However, in some instances, ministries have asked for more funds in the course of a financial year to deal with recurrent costs such as salaries.

Explaining what looks like a policy-reversal on wastage, ministry of Finance spokesperson Jim Mugunga said: “As a policy, there was an across-the-board hold on non-core international travels and workshops. This was meant to manage available resources then. It does not necessarily make workshops and travel unnecessary in functions of government.”

Deputy NRM spokesperson Ofwono Opondo said the NRM party does not get campaign cash from the Treasury and described Opposition accusations as “cheap political games”.

ymugerwa@ug.

nationmedia.

com

 

 

Political Parties in Uganda reject the  EC use of national ID register as NRM government prepares another rigged national election for 2016:

Gen David Sejusa (R) with the vice chairperson of People’s Progressive Party (PPP) Dick Odur (2nd R) address the press at PPP offices in Ntinda yesterday.

PHOTO BY ABUBAKER LUBOWA

By Winnie Tabitha & Albert Tumwine

 

Posted  Wednesday, April 29   2015

 

Kampala,Uganda, The Opposition has rejected a move by the Electoral Commission (EC) to use data collected during the compilation of the national identification registration exercise to update the national voters’ register ahead of the 2016 general elections.

Speaking at separate events, various political party leaders said the national ID registration exercise was full of errors and as a result, most Ugandans were not registered.

Addressing a news conference at the DP party headquarters in Kampala yesterday, the party spokesperson, Mr Kenneth Kakande, said: “Many people on the national register did not register for the national IDs and that means if the EC uses the ID project register, many Ugandans are going to be disenfranchised,” Mr Kakande said.

Addressing journalists during the party’s weekly press conference on Monday, Forum for Democratic Change spokesperson John Kikonyogo expressed dismay at the way EC is handling the entire exercise.

“We have failed to get an explanation from the EC on why the old register was discarded and we want them to tell us how those people they are adding to the list applied,” Mr Kikonyogo said.

Democratic Party (DP) secretary general Mathias Nsubuga said the EC should use the previous register. He claimed the Opposition has evidence to the effect that more than 3,000 people appearing on national ID register are not Ugandans.

Uganda Media Centre executive director Ofwono Opondo, however, defended the EC, stressing that whatever is being done is within the law.

EC spokesperson Jotham Taremwa, said the government made the decision that all government departments should use the collected national voters’ data banks for future purposes.

Meanwhile, former coordinator of intelligence services, Gen David Sejusa has said there is no point in going for an election that will be “stolen”.

Mr Sejusa said the criteria of registering voters did not put into consideration verification of citizens.

“You were all registered, but what system was used to establish that you are a citizen of this country? How many of you were asked for a birth certificate, none!” Mr Sejusa said.

Article 61 (e) of the 1995 Constitution mandates the Electoral Commission to compile, maintain, revise and update the national voters register (the same is repeated under the EC Act Section 18).

But Parliament this year passed the Registration of Persons Bill that establishes a national identification register of all persons in Uganda and provides for access and use of the information contained in the national identification register.

editorial@ug.

nationmedia.

com

 

 

Ekibiina kyobufuzi ekya Kabaka Yekka, UPC y’ Obote Ekiwera:

Obote yekyusiza abaamutuusa!

 

 

Mu mwaka 1965, Omubaka we kibiina kya KY Daudi Ocheng, yayisa ekiteeso kunsonga yokukusa zaabu we Congo namasanga g’enjovu, okubitunda munsi zebweru.

 

Dr Obote, nga Prime Minister, ne Minister Nekyon muganda wa Obote ne Onama Minister wa Defence bebatekebwa ko olunnwe nga bwebenyigira mulukwe luno.

Era Ocheng yaleeta ekiteeso ekirala, Colonel Amin okugira ng’awummuzibwako weeks bbiri nga Gavumenti bw’ebuuliriza.

 

Gwo omukago gwebyobufuzi wakati we kibiina kyo bufuzi ekya KY ne kibiina kyo bufuzi ekya UPC gwafiira ddala mu September 1964. Era 1965 gugenda okutuuka nga bangi ababaka ba UPC mu National Assembly (Parliament) bateesa kulaba nga bawera ekibiina kya Kabaka Yekka. Baakiyita kya bakyewaggula abatagoberera mateeka era abaagala okutabulatabula eddembe mu Uganda.

Abantu bangi baali bakwatiddwa era nga bali mu nkomyo na ddala e Luzira.

Obote yatekawo akakiiko kabulirize ku bya zaabu n’amasanga era abantu bangi ko baawa obujulirwa mu kakiiko ako, ebyama bingi ku kufuna n’okutunda zaabu n’amasanga ne bibikkulwa.

Naye report y’akakiiko bwe yaggwa Obote teyagifulumya! Parliement ye, Cabinet ye nabawagizi bangi aba UPC nebamuggyamu obwesige.

 

Yali asigazza kwesiga b’amagye bokka. Okuyimiriza Col. Amin yakigaana nakuza Amin mukifo kya Brigadier Opoloto. Mukuteesa kwa Cabinet okwaddako Obote yagenda kukwatta ba Minister be batano nabasibira e Luzira Criminal Prison.

 

 

 

 

 The British Judge Allen

 

P J Allen and his judiciary at the time demonstrate the high quality of the judiciary at the time.
 
Judge Allen and Judge Manyindo presided over  the trials of most of the Amin era criminals. A majority of these criminals hired the best lawyers available in Uganda at the time, which invariably was Ayigihugu. Some like Abdallah Nasur were convicted but a good number were acquitted because of lack of direct evidence. Others like Edward Mulindwa even managed to lie low for a while before escaping to foreign lands.

 

 

 I hope your mate WBK does not judge those of us who participated in prosecuting these Amin era criminals as failures, in the same manner that he has judged the ICC prosecutors. Prosecutors are supposed to present the facts before the courts that can convince a court that an accused is quilty. In this, it has to work very closely with the Investigatory authorities, namely the police and law enforcement. In the case of the Amin criminals, the police did not give us enough information from their investigations that would allow a conviction to be  upheld.
It was particulalrly disappointing in the case of Bob Astles in whose case, the judge found he was always around the major killings we charged him with, especially the murders of Archbishop Luwum and Minister's Erinayo Oryema and Oboth-Ofumbi, but we could not connect him directly to the killings. With advance in DNA science these days and coupled with Edward Mulindwa's recent confessions about complicity in the murders, I think a good prosecutor would today nail Edward Mulindwa without doubt. What WBK does not understand, from your debates which I have followed,  is that the ICC prosecutors can only be good as the investigations put before it. The Satatute of the ICC puts a duty on Satte Authorities to cooperate with the ICC in investigating cases referred to it. if a state refuses, objects or even thwarts the invesigations, the direct result is that the Presecutors will not have serficient evidence to obtain a conviction. So Mensouda and her team have so far failed in their prosecution of Jomo Kenyatta, but this is because of the failure of GoK to cooperate in investigations. It is not because Mensouda and her team are bad lawyers as WBK keeps asserting. In fact the evidnce that they had gathered against Jomo Kenyatta was so compelling that any prosecutor would make a decision to prosecute. But faced with alkmost all key or material witnesses withdrawing or disappeared or intimidated, Mensouda had no choice but to withdraw the case.

 

The first important hurdle, that is the establishment of the International Criminal Court, has now been successfully overcome. States party to the Rome Treaty now have to decide ways and means by which they can strengthen the ICC's Investigatory capacity and authority, especially in cases where a suspect or accused  holds or is close to power. The UN Security Council has to give the Prosecutor extra-ordinary powers to investigatewith or without the cooperation of the State concerned. Th UN must also strengthen its Witness protection programme. Lastly, the Security Council must reserve to itself power to punish leaders, like Jomo Kenyatta and Omar Bashir who refuse to cooperate with the ICC investigations. This may mean imposing travel bans, arrest warrants and other other economic sanctions against them so that they the continue to swagger around like Jomo Kenyatta whn in fact they should be locked up in prison as dangerous criminals. 
Written by 
George Okello
 

 

 
UPC founder Milton Obote

The term movement legacy was first coined by professor emeritus, Goran Hyden in 2011, and by it I mean a pattern of political behavior that characterized anti-colonial nationalist movements in their struggles for independence.

Half a century since most countries gained independence, this form of behavior continues to shape ruling- and opposition party politics in Africa and Uganda, while frustrating the prospects for deepening democracy.

 

CAUSE-EFFECT

Nationalist movements in Uganda were spearheaded by three main sections: World War II veterans, a small not so well-educated elite class of clerical workers, and leaders of a nascent civil society.  These groups were united by a single but multi-faceted cause, namely to vanquish the colonial masters and take charge of the state apparatus.

Other than this mission, these groups remained committed to their particular identities. The issues were varied and subordinate to the cause. The anti-colonial movements adopted a simple but important strategy of popular mobilization for the cause. It was rare and in most cases illegal to campaign.

Most notably the movement against the British took place at the level of society because there were no representative bodies such as parliaments or legislative councils until much later in the struggle.  Membership to these movements was rather diffuse and fluid, but because there was a single movement, this was not detrimental to its dynamic and operation.

 

Reflections on USAID’s activities in the Pearl of Africa:

 

Written by Richard L. Nelson

 

USAID invests a chuck in Uganda health services

 

I arrived in Uganda in January 2020 ready to lead the USA Embassy’s United States Agency for International Development (USAID) team as we continue our 60+ year mission on behalf of the American people to improve the prosperity, health, education, and democratic aspirations of Ugandan citizens.

As the lead development agency of the USA government, USAID plays a vital role in our diplomatic missions, and pursues our activities with a keen sense of responsibility toward the Ugandan people and to the American public who entrust us with their tax dollars.

A few weeks after my arrival, I made my first trip outside Kampala, travelling to Kabale and Kisoro to visit a project focused on improving resilience. I was particularly impressed with a group of strong young women who had dropped out of school, but who, with our help, had started their own businesses to support themselves.

Since that first trip, I have been just about everywhere in Uganda, meeting people and learning how all of USAID’s interventions help them become more resilient. I met a woman whose life was saved from drug-resistant tuberculosis (TB) after receiving special treatment at a TB facility we supported.

I listened to a young woman who, after receiving USAID training, started a business making saucepans and was selling them throughout Uganda and even South Sudan. I danced with Ik villagers on a mountaintop in northern Karamoja to celebrate their partnership with an eco-tourism company establishing an adventure campsite.

USAID’s impact continues to be immense. Just since I arrived in 2020 nearly 500,000 people have emerged out of poverty in the 41 districts where we operate agriculture programs, 4,500 children are now studying in new classrooms we built, 55,000 people now access clean water from community boreholes we dug, and an incredible 5.3 million people are enjoying the liberating power of electricity through our work to connect people to modern energy.

Unfortunately, I have also witnessed a decline in some aspects of Uganda’s progress. Uganda has once again dropped in the Global Corruption Perceptions Index (27 to 26 in 2023). It seems more elected officials, public servants, business owners, and others ignore the religious teachings of all major faiths condemning stealing, lying and cheating.

The Golden Rule to treat others as you wish to be treated has been set aside with the passage of the Anti-Homosexuality Act (AHA). No matter what your moral beliefs are, the AHA is a foreboding sign of deteriorating human and civil rights.

If society allows one group to be singled out for dehumanizing treatment, it can easily turn on other groups with similar treatment-your group might be next. We have also seen a disturbing decline in education.

 

A recent study revealed that 80% of P2 pupils could not read a single word, yet Uganda continues to spend less on education than any other country in East Africa, except for South Sudan, and is the 11th lowest in all of Africa (based on percentage of GDP). The Information Age is accelerating exponentially, and only people with sufficient education will participate.

Ugandan children are being left behind. What to do? Just as I have seen Ugandans resiliently bouncing back after Covid-19, Ebola, floods, drought, teen pregnancy, etc., I believe Ugandans can overcome these challenges.

It will require courage to speak up about human rights for everyone, it will demand a return to integrity, and it will necessitate reprioritization of the national budget and priorities to strengthen education.

But just as the oyster turns unwelcome grains of sand into precious pearls, Ugandans can turn these challenges into something better-something that truly reflects its nickname, the Pearl of Africa.

The author is the USAID Uganda mission director

Nb

Every body knows very well that the country of America and the rest of our world are all in the struggles of world civilization as it was with the Roman Empire many years ago!

For countries like Japan or China and Saudi Arabia that felt bitter with these imperialists they seem to have formed a bond for their future development. One believes that such African individuals that seem to have taken an interest in USAID projects should be given an opportunity to visit the USA for about six months as it used to be in the 1960s.
Even when many more Africans were invited to visit the USSR(Russia) such opportunities were given. Of course when they come back afterwards, that is when such people will have formed their own perspectives concerning world trade and its civilization!

There are many Africans especially in leadership who have been denied visa travels to the USA and rightly so they are very bitter. The USA probably fear their attitudes especially when some of the African and Arabic political extremists taste the freedoms and rights that are plenty in such countries when they step down in these very independent and more developed countries! Remember indeed those terrible bygone times when African governments as well as African colonial governements put a ban for fellow Africans not to visit South Africa during the 50s and 60s. Unfortunately it gave the Apartheid regimes (1948 to 1994) in that terrible country more time to exist. As global knowledge should be free, USA actually was ever welcoming in its country, people of African origin to visit USA as the Cold War was simmering and apartheid and imperialism was also the order of the day at that time in the USA, Britain, and many more Non-African countries!

 

 

 

 

 

The brutal killing of an African American citizen in the USA:

 

By World Media

 

9 July, 2020

The killing goes on

 

 

 

The repentence is very strong indeed

 

On May 25, 2020, George Floyd, a 46-year-old black man, was killed in Minneapolis, Minnesota during an arrest for allegedly using a counterfeit bill. Derek Chauvin, a white police officer, knelt on Floyd's neck for almost nine minutes while Floyd was handcuffed and lying face down in the street, begging for his life and repeatedly saying "I can't breathe" A second and third officer further restrained Floyd while a fourth prevented bystanders from intervening. During the final three minutes Floyd was motionless and had no pulse while Chauvin ignored onlookers' pleas to remove his knee, which he did not do until medics told him to.

All four officers were fired the next day after videos made by witnesses and security cameras became public. Two autopsies found Floyd's death to be a homicide. Chauvin was initially charged with third-degree murder and second-degree manslaughter, to which was later added second-degree murder; the three other officers were charged with aiding and abetting second-degree murder.

Floyd's death triggered demonstrations and protests in more than 75 U.S cities and around the world against police brutality, police racism, and lack of police accountability. On June 5, the Minneapolis City Council took action to ban chokeholds and require police officers to intervene against the use of excessive force by other officers; subsequently on June 7, the Council committed to dismantle its police department.

AFRICAN MILITARY IS THERE TO DEFEND BORDERS:

In Uganda, the distressing Katanga murder with a government military weapon in the home should be tried in the court of the Uganda Army:

 

By World Media

 

Martha Nkwanzi in court

 

Martha Nkwanzi, a daughter to the late businessman Henry Katanga has been remanded to Luzira prison for allegedly destroying evidence in the murder of her father.

Nkwanzi surprisingly surrendered herself to Nakawa chief magistrate, Erias Kakooza on Wednesday afternoon. The same court on Monday issued a warrant of arrest against her after she was again a no-show in court.

During the court session on Monday, the defense team, represented by McDusman Kabega, along with lawyers; Bruce Musinguzi and Jet Tumwebaze, stated that Nkwanzi is recuperating at Roswell Hospital following a childbirth.

 

The prosecution, however, challenged the information presented, labelling it hearsay, and maintained the necessity of a warrant for Nkwanzi's arrest citing repeated failure to appear in court without justifiable reasons.

Court heard that on November 2, 2023, at Mubya Chwa II, Nakawa Division, Kampala city, knowing that diverse things at the scene of crime may be required in evidence in a judicial proceeding, Nkwanzi and her other sister Patricia Kankwanzi removed or destroyed them or rendered them illegible or undecipherable or incapable of identification with intent thereby to prevent them from being used in evidence.

 

The two daughters are jointly charged with their mother Molly Katanga who is reportedly admitted for injuries she allegedly sustained during the incident. Molly remains on criminal summons issued by the court requiring her to appear on January 22 to answer for her husband's murder.

 

The three family members are further indicted alongside the family's shamba boy, George Amanyire and a medical practitioner, Charles Otai. Both men are charged with being accessories after the commission of murder when they allegedly assisted the widow and her two daughters to escape punishment yet they knew the trio were liable for an offence.

 

Nkwazi through her legal team asked the court to allow her to take a plea in the charge. But that sparked off a lengthy argument after the prosecution side objected it. On Wednesday, amidst lengthy court proceedings, the prosecution led by state attorney Jonathan Muwaganya and Anna Kiiza objected to Nkwanzi taking plea, forcing court to take a break and resume later on.

 

Muwaganya objected on grounds that Nkwanzi appears on the same charge sheet where the first suspect is charged with murder which can only be tried by the High court. Muwaganya said plea-taking is a trial process where only a court with competent jurisdiction to try the matter can entertain the plea of the accused person. 

 

He asked the court to only communicate to the accused person the charges against her. Nkwanzi's lawyers comprising McDusman Kabega, Ellison Karuhanga, and Bruce Musinguzi said that two days ago, the prosecution applied that their client be arrested to appear in court to take plea and prayed for a warrant of arrest hence there is no way they can start saying she shouldn't answer to the charges when she has even brought herself to court.

 

Kabega said the offence the court read to her prescribes the sentence not of life nor death, and therefore it is a misdemeanour that attracts seven years imprisonment once found guilty. As such, Kabega added that under Section 161 (1) of the Magistrates Court Act states that the court presided over by the chief magistrate which Kakooza is, may try the accused person unless the sentence attracts death, provided it's for a custodial sentence.

 

Kabega thus insisted that Nkwanzi takes plea for the offence. According to Kabega, the fact that she is on a charge sheet where the first suspect is charged with murder doesn't in any way allow Nakawa Magistrates court jurisdiction to run away from trying this offence.

 

He added that the prosecution has not provided court with any provisions of law where an accused person can be stopped from taking plea where the court has jurisdiction. To support his case, Kabega submitted that the other suspects on remand took plea before the same presiding magistrate, and that the prosecutors who are the very people who framed the charges were in court didn't complain.

 

But prosecutor Muwaganya insisted on his stand, saying the law stated by Kabega doesn't address the question of several accused persons appearing on the same charge sheet with a mixture of capital and non-capital counts. Muwaganya said in this case, there is no explicit legal provision in the Magistrates Court Act that empowers the Magistrate's court to entertain plea in one count on a charge sheet bearing a capital offence.

 

He added that even this case has been registered in the capital offences register of court and given a capital offence number which all indicate that he has no jurisdiction over the matter. The prosecutor said the guidance of the High court in several cases has been that  where offences are capital and others not capital, the jurisdiction of the gravest offence takes precedent over the other misdemeanours.

 

According to Muwaganya, whereas plea was taken for the other accused persons, that exercise is subject to revision in the High court and the gist is to correct the exercise of plea-taking. He explained that as that matter is still pending in the High court, it is only right and proper and prudent that they await the guidance of the High court before court can determine whether or not to ask the accused person to take plea.

 

After a 2-hour break, Kakooza ruled that the court has jurisdiction to take plea. He said when other accused persons were arraigned before him, they took plea and the prosecution didn't contest it. As a result, Nkwanzi took plea and denied the charges against her.

 

Later, Kabega applied for bond saying the law provides that a person can be released on bond even without sureties, saying she is a mother of three children including a one-month-old, born shortly after the death of Katanga. On this, Kakooza said there is need to be consistent and since he has already been informed that the hearing of the criminal revision application by the DPP has already been fixed for Tuesday next week for hearing, it is proper for the outcome before he can go ahead with hearing the bail application for Nkwanzi.

 

Now Nkwanzi joins Kakwanza, Amanyire and Otai on remand at Luzira prison as the widow Molly Katanga remains issued with criminal summons requiring her to appear in court on January 22, 2024, for last November's murder of her husband Katanga. All the accused persons are expected to return to court on that day.

 

Both the accused persons and the complainants in this case are well-connected to powerful people in the government. The families on Tuesday night reportedly met the president at State House who assured them that justice will be served in this case.

Nb

Dark glasses would surely help her as well. It is unfortunate and distressing as a married young woman, she was able to watch her wealthy parents fight themselves to death over what? In a home with a government military weapon. Justice must be served in a Uganda military court. Some African tribal people surely can be very violent with anger. One understands there is a written story about where the angry family headman pulled out a shotgun and shot his son's foot to Armageddon in a quarrel! Such people certainly need urgent and modern medical and psychological treatment other than locking them into African military prisons for ever.

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EBISOBYE MUBYENFUNA YA BUGANDA ATE NE UGANDA

Posted on 13th November, 2023

The Auditor General of the Uganda government has asked the Uganda Revenue Authority to close six commercial bank accounts:

By Dorothy Nakaweesi

 

28 March, 2021

 

 

The Auditor General also noted that parking space that had been provided for on the URA Tower has remained unused due to miscommunication between contractors. PHOTO/FILE

 

The Auditor General has asked Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) to close six accounts spread in different commercial banks. 

In a report for the period ended June 2020, Auditor General John Muwanga also instructed URA to transfer all its operations accounts to Bank of Uganda to streamline operations of the Treasury.

In the report, Mr Muwanga noted with concern why URA had decided to operate accounts in commercial banks, contrary to the Public Finance Management, 2015. 

The six operations accounts, according to the Auditor General, have a combined sum of approximately Shs1 trillion. 
“This frustrates the cash flow management process of the Treasury, distorts monetary policy and allows URA to override financial management controls,” Mr Muwanga noted in the report, advising URA to transfer all operations accounts to Bank of Uganda.

However, the report does not indicate in which commercial banks the accounts are held. 
Efforts to get more details in regard to the Auditor General’s concerns were futile as all known phone contacts for Commissioner General John Musinguzi Rujoki had been out of reach by press time. 

Mr Ian Rumanyika, the URA acting assistant commissioner public and corporate affairs, had by press time not responded to our inquiries in regard to the Auditor General’s audit queries. 

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The report also highlighted a number of other audit queries, which mainly touched URA’s corporate services, key among them the award of multi-year contracts to the tune of Shs57.2b, yet the tax agency had not availed evidence of approval and commitment by Parliament. 

The multi-year contracts, the Auditor General noted, mainly comprised of contracts signed for support and maintenance of systems and motor vehicle financing.

During the period, it was also noted that an analysis of the payment to short-term employees revealed that on average, 232 employees were hand-picked, given temporary employment contracts and paid a monthly basic salary, transport and housing allowances. 

“I noted that despite spending Shs4b on such employees, URA does not have a policy for short-term employees, which exposes the recruitment and remuneration to abuse,” Mr Muwanga noted. The report also highlighted that URA, which in 2018, had entered its newly constructed offices (URA Tower) had not utilised the provision for a car park at the tower due to miscommunication between the project manager, structural engineer and the contractor. 

The floor, which provides parking space for at least 360 cars, is yet to be finished in accordance with specifications, according to the Auditor General. 

The Auditor General also noted that review of a schedule of IT systems being maintained by URA had not been well streamlined with a “number of systems [appearing] to be duplicating the functions and roles of others.”

For instance, the Auditor General noted, the Imperva Solution, which should ideally provide a multi-layered protection to ensure that URA’s websites and applications are always available and secure, is being duplicated by a number of software applications such as Intellinx and Privileged Account Management Solution, among others. 

The report also noted that URA could have avoided expenditure worth Shs53.4b, comprising Shs34.861b acquisition costs and Shs18.624b in maintenance. 

Low returns      
The Auditor General also noted that the performance of the Tax Payer Registration and Expansion Project (TREP) was lower than expected with collaborating institutions registering only 142,620 taxpayers against a target of 283,615 during the 2019/20 financial year. 

The performance represented just 50.2 per cent of registration success, the report noted, adding only Shs26.8b was collected through the system against a target of Shs124.58b. 

editorial@ug.nationmedia.com 

 

 

 

 

 

 
 

Munsi ya Uganda, omubazi w'ebitabo bya Gavumenti alabudde ku bbanja ly'ensimbi erisukiridde:

By Lawrence Kizito

 

Added 15th March 2021

 

OMUBAZI w’ebitabo bya Gavumenti, John Muwanga afulumizza lipooti ku nsaasaanya y’ensimbi mu bitongole bya gavumenti n’alabula ku bbanja Uganda lyebanjibwa, eryeyongedde ennyo.

 

John Muwanga (wakati) ng'akwasa Sipiika Rebecca Kadaga (ku ddyo) lipooti y'omwaka gw'ebyensimbi 2019/20. 

                                                                

OMUBAZI w'ebitabo bya Gavumenti, John Muwanga afulumizza lipooti ku nsaasaanya y'ensimbi mu bitongole bya gavumenti n'alabula ku bbanja Uganda lyebanjibwa, eryeyongedde ennyo. (Ebif. Bya Lawrence Kizito)

 

Sipiika Kadaga (Owookubiri ku kkono), John Muwanga (amuddiridde ku ddyo), Keto Kayemba (asooka ku kkono) n'abakungu abalala okuva mu ofiisi y'omubazi w'ebitabo bya gavumenti.

Lipooti era erambika ne ku miziziko egiremesezza obuweereza bwa gavumenti okutuuka ku bantu n'ewa amagezi ku ngeri gavumenti gy'eyinza okuvvuunukamu embeera eno.

Muwanga lipooti eno yajanjulidde Sipiika wa Palamenti, Rebecca Kadaga mu nsisikano gye yabaddemu naye ku Palamenti. Alambise nti mu myaka esatu egiyise wakati wa 2017 ne 2020 ebbanja eribanjibwa Uganda lizze lyeyongera okuva ku Buwumbi 3,350 (Tuliriyoni 33.5) okutuuka ku buwumbi 5,683 (Tuliriyoni 56.83). Kino kitegeeza nti ebbanja likuze ebitundu 70 ku 100 mu myaka esatu egiyise.

Abakungu mu ofiisi y'omubazi w'ebitabo nga basisinkanye Sipiika.

Keto Kayemba omumyuka wa John Muwanga ategeezezza Sipiika nti ssinga Uganda tekendeeza ku kwewola, obusobozi bwayo obwokwewola ssente bwandiggwaawo ekintu ekijja okulemesa Bannayuganda abajja maaso okwewola.

Awadde gavumenti amagezi okugaziya ku misolo gyesolooza n'okukendeeza ku nsaasaanya yaayo ku bintu ebisobola okwewalika, kisobozese eggwanga okubeera ne ssente ezimala okukola emirimu gyayo n'okukendeeze ku ssente ezeewolebwa.

Lipooti era eraze engeri enyongereza za Bajeti eziyisibwa Palamenti bwe zizingamizza emirimu mu bitongole ebimu ebya Gavumenti kubanga ziyisibwa naye nga teziriiko makubo wagenda kuva ssente, ekiwaliriza gavumenti okusala ssente za Minisitule n'ebitongole ebirala okusobola okufuna ssente za Bajeti eno.

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Mpozzi abaana nabazzukulu balikola ezaabwe nebasasula namabanja gano agatuuse nga amazzi mubulago bwa Uganda!

 

 

 

 

THE MESS IN THE FINANICIAL SYSTEM OF UGANDA:

 

The IMF’s $120m loan to Uganda is not a proper Christian debt: It is all about money greedy for the debtor and debtee:

 

Written by Mark Kidamba

 

The headquarters of the IMF Bank in the USA

 

In what has infamously come to be labelled the ‘speech that killed Thomas Sankara’ the revolutionary president of Burkina Faso two months before he was assassinated, he said, “debt is a cleverly managed reconquest of Africa aimed at subjugating its growth and development through foreign rules.”

He continued, “debt cannot be repaid ... but if we repay, we are going to die. That’s for sure”. This he said at the OAU summit in Addis Ababa on July 29 1987. At the same gathering, he hinted to not being around for the next summit; because he would likely be taken out by the protagonists of debt for what he had just said.

This low regard for foreign debt nearly four decades after President Sankara’s OAU speech was mirrored by South Africans when they protested the R70 billion [$ 3.7 billion] IMF loan in 2020, and by Kenyans when they petitioned an IMF loan in 2022. In Kenya’s case, the locals were up against the doubling of the eight per cent VAT rate for fuel to 16 per cent which was a condition the international lenders attached to the $2.34 billion loan.

This forced the nationals to sign an online petition demanding the cancellation of the loan because fuel prices shot up straight away. It, therefore, comes as a surprise that on March 6, 2024, when the IMF disbursed $120 million [UGX 464.2 billion] to Uganda under the Extended Credit Facility [ECF]; Ugandans were silent unlike our African counterparts who were up in arms against IMF’s loans because they know something about the international lender that we don’t.

The latest issuance of funds puts the total amount lent to Uganda under ECF since June 2021 to $870 million [UGX 3.3 billion]; not counting the $491.5 million [UGX 1.9 trillion] remitted in May 2020 under the Rapid Credit Facility [RCF] bringing the total sum of loans disbursed by the IMF alone to Uganda in four years to $ 1,361.5 million [UGX 5.2 trillion].

By design, IMF’s ECF loan to Uganda has a grace period of five and half years with a final maturity of 10 years and is awarded at zero interest, which makes it reasonable on paper. In spite of that, the international lender’s funds come with structural conditions that are reminiscent of the World Bank’s structural adjustment programs [SAPs] that have left many low-income economies like Uganda impoverished to this day.

For example, in Egypt on March 6, 2024, the country had to devalue it’s Pound against the dollar, which led to a currency loss of 38 per cent, on top of increasing lending rates for banks for the country to secure $8 billion in funding. Egypt’s IMF loan deal had stagnated since December 2022, being that the country had insisted on keeping its pound at a tightly managed rate.

Devaluation of the Egyptian pound reduces the cost of Egypt’s exports for Western countries; in the process reducing household incomes because locals get less for their goods. The increment in interest rates makes credit hard to come by for local businesses, thereby asphyxiating them.

Presently, Pakistan is negotiating IMF loans with strict conditions placed by the international lender to impose a capital gains tax on cryptocurrencies and listed securities; not to mention hiking gas, and electricity prices. This begs the question: What did Uganda give up to access the funding?

 

UGANDA’S LIKELY TRADE-OFF FOR IMF’S LOAN

On the day Uganda bagged the loan, March 6, 2024, Bank of Uganda [BoU] announced a central bank rate [CBR] of 10 per cent from 9.5 per cent, and a bank rate of 14 per cent. The CBR is an indicator to banks on the direction prices are taking, a rise in it signals to banks that inflation is imminent, and they, therefore, raise their lending rates.

On the other hand, the bank rate is the rate at which BoU lends to banks. When BoU lends to banks at a high rate, banks transfer this burden to their customers by increasing their lending rates. This is going to drive many businesses to the ground, and lead to the loss of jobs.

 

The central bank’s move is dodgy because at the height of inflation in Uganda between March and April 2022, the CBR was 6.5 per cent, and the bank rate 9.5 per cent. Headline inflation then was reported at 5.2 per cent, and core inflation at 4.7 per cent, as opposed to 3.4 per cent currently for core, and headline inflation.

Even though the shilling has depreciated due to the issuance of the infrastructure bond in Kenya, this shock is only short-term and if left alone, would correct itself in a trice. For that reason there was no need to increase the CBR and bank rate for a temporary shock unless of course it was strongly advised by the IMF.

Concerning this, Kenneth Egesa, director of Communications BoU, had this to say: “The CBR focuses on the future inflation outlook, not just the present, due to the long timeframe of monetary policy effects. With high inflation predicted, tightening measures were needed in March 2024 to address this elevated risk”.

Having said that, BoU’s monetary policy report for February 2024 states, “Going forward, inflation could fall faster than expected due to stronger- than-expected pass-through from lower fuel prices which would lead central banks easing their policy earlier than expected”.

The report continues to allude to the only possible disruptions to the downward trend of inflation being geopolitical tensions, and supply chain disruptions; none of which have happened in the past month which directly contradicts Egesa’s gloomy foresight about inflation.

 

DOES UGANDA CREDIBLY SATISFY IMF’S LOAN CONDITIONS?
When I reached out to the secretary to the treasury and permanent secretary [PSST] of the ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, Ramathan Ggoobi as one who sat in on the IMF meetings about which economic policy adjustments Uganda agreed to prior to the disbursement of the loan, my query was met with crickets. Silence.

The ECF and RCF loan funds are IMF schemes targeted at countries with chronic balance of payment problems, problems that are structural in nature. And for that reason, these programs come with structural conditions and policy adjustments to “ensure that the country’s finances will be strong enough to repay the loan...” states IMF.

The conditions the IMF bases its financing on is prior performance in: governance, domestic arrears and external debt, anti-corruption and rule of law, fiscal revenue/tax administration, and so on. In all the mentioned categories Uganda has put up a lamentable show for the longest time.

In the Auditor General’s report 2023, Uganda’s debt-to-GDP stands at 52.7 per cent up from 48.8 per cent in the financial year [FY] 2020/21, an increment of four per cent in three years. IMF recommends 50 per cent as the point of safety. This is accompanied by a low tax-to-GDP ratio of 14 per cent: 16 per cent is the sub-Saharan standard.

In FY 2022/23, “tax revenue was below its target for the financial year by UGX 22.87 billion” [$5.6 million] stated the Macroeconomic and Fiscal Performance report FY 2022/23. On top of its tax problems, Uganda is popular for bad governance with no established policies; or, a general lack of proper implementation where policy exists.

The government has failed to put in place working mechanisms to check those in positions of power. As is, the establishment in Uganda has failed to deliver services to its natives because of a starless governance structure.

On human rights violations, Uganda sits in the pantheon of countries with the lowest regard for its citizen’s rights. Illegal arrests, detentions without trial, political persecution, and wholesale killings are not a rarity in the country. When this is matched with high levels of corruption at all levels of administration in Uganda; it’s difficult to understand how Uganda passed the IMF’s governance, and human rights test to qualify for a loan!

When I asked Tatiana Mossot, spokesperson of the IMF, to explain why the ECF loan was disbursed to Uganda despite the country’s frightful image she wrote, “The quantitative performance criteria against which Uganda’s progress was gauged are macroeconomic in nature and can be found on page 41 of the document” [Uganda: Fifth Review under the ECF Arrangement and Request for Modification of Performance Criteria – Press Release].

“The reforms that were implemented can be found in the Tables on pages 42-44”. “A favourable outcome of the anticorruption agenda, as you may know, has been the recent de-listing of Uganda from the FATF grey list” she added.

That said, some of the implemented reforms’ reports she referred to didn’t appear on the ministry of Finance website like: the report on penalties for officers responsible for unauthorized spending commitments and actions taken to enforce compliance.

Another corruption report she cited isn’t tenable because it was compiled by the government — Prevalence of Corruption in Uganda 2022/2023 report. One doesn’t expect the government to unbiasedly critique itself on a topic as polarising as corruption.

All things considered, Uganda’s problems are not going to be solved by money but by good leadership; and the IMF knows that. But by continuing to award Uganda loans on grounds it realistically doesn't qualify for; the IMF is imprisoning Ugandans, future and present in debt. Therefore, it’s about time the natives paid attention not only to the regime, but those financing it.

kidambamark3@gmail.com

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Unfortunately such advice to this African regime and its international financiers as dipicted clearly in this article, goes in one ear and out the other! It is never as God advises clearly: Forgive us our debts, as we forgive our debtors. That is why one struggles to advise mainly the citizens of the Kingdom state of Buganda not to perpectually get involved in the general elections of Uganda. Uganda has lost the meaning of Democracy. The right to take part in the conduct of public affairs, including the right to vote and to stand for election, is at the core of democratic governments. The Uganda national elections are not free and fair and they are imprisoning the African Ancient country of Buganda into ever lasting national and international debts. 

 

Only 13 Uganda govt enterprises are profitable during the 36 years of its governance:

The Auditor General has pronounced

Auditor General John Muwanga with H E Oliver Wonekha. PHOTO/ FILE

  • According to the Auditor General, whereas there are 46 state enterprises, only 26 were audited for the period ended June 2021. Other entities did not provide audit reports.  
  • The three, which include Uganda Electricity Transmission Company Limited (UETCL), Uganda Electricity Generation Company Limited (UEGCL) and National Water and Sewerage Corporation (NWSC), according to the report, returned a combined profit of Shs251.7b. 

At least 13 out of 46 corporations and state enterprises returned a profit during the period ended June 2021, according the Auditor General.

The report, which covers the period between June 2020 and June 2021, however, noted that only three corporations and state enterprises had during the period managed to overcome Covid-19 restrictions to double their profits.

The three, which include Uganda Electricity Transmission Company Limited (UETCL), Uganda Electricity Generation Company Limited (UEGCL) and National Water and Sewerage Corporation (NWSC), according to the report, returned a combined profit of Shs251.7b.

This was a growth of about 66.3 percent from Shs84.7b that the three posted during the same period in the 2019/20 financial year.

The report, which was completed in December last year, was handed to Parliament last week for further action.

In the report, Auditor General John Muwanga noted that whereas the performance of some public corporations and state enterprises had deteriorated, the general performance had slightly improved compared to the previous financial year.

In total there are 46 corporations and state enterprises. However, the Auditor General only audited 26.

 

UETCL, which sells electricity to distribution companies such as Umeme, was followed by UEGCL and National Water and Sewerage Corporation, which recorded profits worth Shs91.9b and Shs47.8b, respectively.

The improved performance, the report noted, was mainly due to government efforts to ease several Covid-19 related restrictions, allowing certain businesses to reopen.

However, Mr Muwanga noted that Uganda Railways Corporation, Kilembe Mines, Uganda Civil Aviation Authority and Uganda National Airlines Company Limited continued to post losses.

The Auditor General also noted that at least seven entities were not assessed because they had not submitted audited accounts at the time of writing the report.

Uganda National Oil Company, which is 100 percent government owned, Nakivubo War Memorial Stadium, currently under construction, National Housing and Construction Company, which is 51 percent government owned and Uganda Telecom did not submit audit reports.

The others were, Micro Finance Support Centre, Uganda Seeds Limited and Uganda Livestock Industry. Uganda Air Cargo Corporation and Uganda Refinery Holding Company were also not audited.